A few days ago, I was trying to track down three Kean girls who went to school together at CABRA, because at least one of them shared an address with one of the two Kean(e) men whose names Byron Deveson had turned up while diligently trawling through the South Australian Police Gazettes.

However, these three girls were proving hard to trace, even though I knew their first names (May, Marjorie, and Patricia) and one of their dates of birth (May, born 20th May 1922). Oddly, all the genealogy websites and databases were proving unhelpful.

Marjorie Agnes Spooner (née Kean)

Well… after raking through Trove a thousand times or more, I finally found that Marjorie Kean’s middle name might well be Agnes. There are two listings where this appears, firstly on 31st Jan 1936 in the Southern Cross:

DOMINICAN CONVENT SCHOOLS / ST. MARY’S DOMINICAN COLLEGE, CABRA. PAST SCHOLARS. […]

Marjorie Agnes Kean. — English, French, Book-keeping, Music, Shorthand.

Or alternatively in 26th January 1937’s Adelaide ‘Tizer, though noting that she didn’t achieve the minimum five passes needed:

Kean, Marjorie Agnes. H[istory] G[eo]g[raphy] T[y]p[ing]

Now, if I’ve got that right, Marjorie Agnes would have been born in 1921 (i.e. a year older than May Kean). And that quickly links us to a MyHeritage listing for a Marjorie Agnes Spooner:

Marjorie Agnes Spooner (born Kean) was born on [month day] 1921, at [birth place], to Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Thomas was born on April 10 1898, in Northgate, Victoria, Australia. Eileen was born on April 10 1896, in Wandiligong. Marjorie married Alfred Raymond Spooner. Alfred was born on November 3 1913, in Birmingham, England. Marjorie passed away in 2010, at age 88 at [death place].

Patricia Jean Cottle (née Kean)

This in turn quickly led to a different myHeritage page, this time for a Patricia Jean Cottle (née Kean):

Patricia Jean Cottle (born Kean) was born on [month day] 1919, at [birth place] to Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Thomas was born on April 10 1898, in Northgate Victoria. Eileen was born on April 10 1896, in Wandiligong. Patricia had 2 siblings. Patricia married Victor McDonnell Cottle. Victor was born on July 3 1913, in Crystal Brook SA. Patricia passed away on [month day] 2004, at age 84 at [death place].

Feeding Patricia’s name back into Trove yielded a single hit in 24th Jan 1935’s Adelaide ‘Tizer: “Bookkeeping, Candidates under sixteen years of age […] 4. Kean, Patricia Jean (St Mary’s Priory, Cabra).” Which would of course nicely fit her 1919 date of birth.

Thomas Joseph Kean

We started out looking for a Thomas John Kean, who was a clerk from Forestville born very close to 1898 (as reported in the Police Gazette and the Adelaide ‘Tizer). But what we instead found was a Thomas Joseph Kean, a man from Forestville born in 1898.

Might these two Thomas J Keans be the same person? Errrm… they/he certainly could be: or if they are not, it would certainly be a slightly jarring coincidence.

Note that we were at the same time also looking for a John Joseph Kean, who was a clerk similarly born in 1898, but from Union Street, Dulwich: and I idly wondered whether those two Keans might actually have been the same person. Now we arguably have the situation where we have a third name – Thomas Joseph Kean – to add to the mix. Might all three of these Keans have been the same man? Police gazettes reports often include (sometimes long) lists of aliases people operate under, so having three different (but subtly similar) names should hardly be a big surprise.

Perhaps all of this will become clearer when we find out more about the life of Thomas Joseph Kean born April 10 1898 in Northgate Victoria. So now it’s over to you all, what information is out there waiting to be known?

Alternatively, perhaps one of you will now have more luck tracking down May Kean now that we (almost certainly) know the name of her parents,
Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Even though her sisters (it would seem almost certain) have both passed away (in 2004 and 2010), May Kean herself may still be alive, who can tell?

Kean Family Tree, First Attempt

Thomas Joseph Kean, born 10th April 1898 (ref 13241/1898), Northgate, Victoria. (Parents: Thomas Francis Kean and DEELY)
–married:
Eileen Jessie McPhee, born 10th April 1896 in Wandiligong, died 1976.
–and had three daughters:

#1 Patricia Jean Kean, born 1919, died 2004.
She married
Victor McDonnell Cottle, born 3rd July 1913 in Crystal Brook SA (son of George Henry Victor COTTLE and Lucieton Robe WHITINGTON).
They had two daughters, born 8th February 1944 and 20th October 1945.

#2 Marjorie Agnes Kean, born 1921, died 2010.
She married
Alfred Raymond Spooner, born 3rd November 1913 in Birmingham, England; died 1979.
They had a daughter and two sons, born 18th February 1943, 30th June 1945 ( Mark Alfred Spooner), and 17th March 1948 respectively.

#3 May Kean, born 20th May 1922.
No further information.

Update: a revised version of the Kean family tree is here.

The ever-industrious Byron Deveson recently started to attack the fallow ground of Australian police gazettes with his investigatory trowel, and as a consequence has just dug up two intriguing new Kean(e)s for us to track down.

#1. Thomas John Kean(e) of Forestville

The first interesting Kean(e) that Byron found in the South Australia Police Gazette was caught drinking alcohol illegally in Glenelg:

Thomas John Keane (38). ……breaches of the Licensing Act, Section 150 at the All Night Cafe, Glenelg. … fined two (pounds) and costs one (pound)…. Tried at Glenelg 28/1/1937.”

Keane’s stated age was 38, so this would make his year of birth 1898 (or 1899 at a stretch). According to this Adelaide ‘Tizer article from 29 Jan 1937, Thomas John Kean was a clerk from Forestville (almost certainly the Forestville that is an Adelaide suburb just beside the main road heading out towards Glenelg, not the one in northern Sydney):

Michael Hilary Galvin, tailor, of Glenelg, and Thomas John Kean, clerk, of Forestville, were each fined £2, with £1 costs, by Messrs. A. Martin and J. C. Comley, in the Glenelg Magistrates’ Court yesterday, for having on Sunday, January 17, drunk liquor on unlicensed premises known as the All Night Cafe, Moseley square.

The same All-Night Cafe was advertising for day staff in 30th November 1948, so it’s a reasonably safe bet it was open on the night that the Somerton Man died:

WAITRESS, part or full time, no night work, good hours. All Night Cafe, Glenelg. X 2182.

Perhaps this was also where the Somerton Man had his late-night pasty, who can say? It’s a better theory than just about anything I’ve heard so far.

I then went looking for Keanes in Forestville (there can’t have been that many there back then, can there?), and found a Sapper L. J. Keane from Forestville in the 1st Australian General Hospital in Heliopolis in 1916 (here and here). A Mr L. J. Keane’s mother-in-law passed away in 1921 (she was from Adelaide & had family in Broken Hill, there’s another Trove link here).

DICKER.-On the 6th November, at her residence, 52 West terrace, City, Mary Ann (relict of Joseph Dicker), and beloved mother of R Dicker, and of Mrs. L. J. Keane, of West terrace, and sister of Mrs. M. Cullard and Mr. H. F. Nott, of Broken Hill, aged 45 years.

A young May Kean of 41 First avenue, Forestville sent this joke in to the 13 Jun 1936 Adelaide Mail:

Customer— Ginger ale.
Waiter— Pale?
Customer — No; just a glass.
May Kean, 41 First avenue, Forestville — Yellow Certificate.

Are any of these Forestville Kean(e)s connected to Thomas John Kean? Whatever happened to Thomas John Kean? Any answers that Cipher Mysteries genealogists can uncover would be really appreciated!

#2. John Joseph Kean(e) of Dulwich

Given my recent post (which explored the suggestion by two Melbourne baccarat players that the Somerton Man was a ‘nitkeeper’ at a Lonsdale Street baccarat school circa 1944), Byron’s second new Keane looks like he might just be research gold.

John Joseph Keane (34) … breach of the Lottery and Gaming Act …. at Arab Street Hotel, Adelaide. Tried at Adelaide 5/9/1932.

30 Aug 1933
FINED FOR UNLICENSED WIRELESS SETS
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/128425875
The following persons were fined in the Adelaide Police Court today for having used unlicensed wireless sets:- Albert William Sutton, of Leader street, Forestville (£5 in all): John Joseph Keane, of Greenhill road, Dulwich (£1 15/); […]

14 Aug 1936
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/48169753
John Joseph Keane, laborer, of Union street. Dulwich, was fined £5, with £1 costs, by Mr. Morgan, S.M., in No. 2 Adelaide Police Court yesterday, on a charge of having on June 17 hindered Constables Mitchell and Lavender while they were endeavoring to detect liquor offences at the Imperial Hotel, city. He pleaded not guilty.

13 Aug 1936
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/131875215
Hindered Police.
John Joseph Keane, laborer, of Dulwich, was fined £5 with £1 costs by Mr. Morgan, S.M., in the Adelaide Police Court today for having hindered two members of the police force in the execution of their duty in King William street on June 17.

25 Jan 1939
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/49791434
Charged With Hindering Police
The hearing of a charge against John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich, of having, on December 25, unlawfully hindered Constables Shipway and Horsnell while they were endeavoring to detect breaches of the Licensing Act, was adjourned until tomorrow by Mr. Muirhead, P.M., in the Adelaide Police Court yesterday.

John Joseph Keane (40) ……..hindering police (nit keeping) at the Seven Stars Hotel, Adelaide. Tried at Adelaide on 26/1/1939.

27 Jan 1939
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/74411920
Hindering Charge Dismissed
A charge against John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich, of having, on December 25, unlawfully hindered Constables Shipway and Horsnell while they were endeavoring to detect breaches of the Licensing Act, was dismissed by Mr. Muirhead, P.M., in the Adelaide Police Court yesterday.

In case you don’t know (I certainly didn’t), Dulwich is a suburb of Eastern Adelaide, so not too far away from the Somerton Man action.

If the Somerton Man were to turn out to have been a bookmaker’s clerk (and indeed a nitkeeper), that might turn a lot of what we know about him on its head. For example, we would probably need no explanation as to why the South Australian Grandstand Bookmakers’ Association so generously paid for his burial licence, “to prevent the victim being buried as a pauper“.

So, whatever happened to “John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich”?

One Final Thought…

I hope it’s not just me who noticed that there’s something a bit odd about the two Kean(e)s. Both were born in 1898: both had John in their name; both were “clerks”; both were connected to Adelaide; both were in light trouble with the police; neither seemed to be able to spell their shared surname.

Might these two men have in fact been the same person? Entries in the police gazettes of the day were rife with crims using multiple identities (often not too different from each other so they can remember them all), so this dodgy Mr Kean(e) was not the first person to have aliases.

Back in 2006 when I wrote The Curse of the Voynich, I included in the book a whole lot of notes relating to the internal structure of ‘Voynichese’ (i.e. the language, dialect, or manner of writing/encipherment found in the Voynich Manuscript, whichever you happen to feel easiest which).

To be clear, I didn’t claim to have deciphered so much as a single letter: rather, I wanted to communicate the high-level view of Voynichese I had built up (not too far from that of Brigadier John Tiltman) as a collection of smaller ciphers, all artfully arranged into an elegant overall system.

The mystery of EVA d and EVA y

For example, I believed (and in fact still do believe, and for a whole constellation of reasons) that EVA -d- (word-middle) and EVA -y (word-final) are probably kinds of scribal abbreviations (e.g. contraction and truncation respectively): and that to successfully read Voynichese, we will ultimately need to reconstruct how its words are abbreviated.

At the same time, I believe that EVA d- and EVA -y (both word-initial) work differently again, i.e. that the same two letter-shapes are doing ‘double duty’, that they mean different things when placed in different parts of a word.

In Latin, the shorthand shape ‘9’ (the same as EVA y) behaves very similarly to this, insofar as it stands in for com-/con- when it appears word-initially, and for -us when it appears word-finally. This was still in (admittedly light) use in the mid-fifteenth century, so the idea that something could mean different things in different positions within words was still ‘in the air’, so to speak.

Really, what I was trying to do was understand how the Voynichese ‘engine’ worked: to not only identify the individual cogs and pinions (i.e. Tiltman’s smaller component ciphers) but to also move towards identifying how these meshed together to form not just a collection of adjacent tricks, but a coherent (if subtly overlapping) system.

The overall metaphor that seemed most productive to me was that of architecture: that the components that made up Voynichese were laid out not haphazardly, but had a kind of consistent conceptual organization to them, yielding what appeared to be rigid use-structures and language-like rules.

Yet at the same time, attempts to produce formal Voynichese grammars to capture these have proved unfruitful: even though thousands of statistical experiments seem to back up the overwhelming intuition that there’s something there if we could only see it, we remain blind to exactly what is going on.

Yes, It’s Unpigeonholeable

Some Voynich linguists try to argue against my view by claiming that I’m describing it purely as a cipher, which (in their view) ‘of course’ it simply isn’t. But the problem is that that’s really not my position at all.

Rather, one of my overall beliefs about Voynichese is that the person who constructed it would have been able to almost entirely (though perhaps not necessarily 100% completely) read it back off the page. And so a lot of what I’m talking about isn’t so much cryptography as steganography, “hiding in plain sight”: and that in turn isn’t so very far from being a linguistic problem.

So if (as I suspect) Voynichese turns out to be equal parts cryptography, steganography, shorthand and language, decoding it will require a significant collaborative effort: but it will also require people to stop trying to pigeonhole it into a single category. Is there any real likelihood it is pure language, or pure shorthand, or pure steganography? For me, the answer is no.

What many of us moderns forget is that the Renaissance (and particularly the fifteenth century) was a time long before the borders between intellectual specializations had started to be so anxiously patrolled. Back then, there was no hard line between language and cipher, between fact and fiction, between Arts and Sciences, even between past and present: thinking was far muddier, and far less clearly defined. Or, if you want to be charitable, much more fluid and creative. 🙂

And so I think we really shouldn’t be surprised if the creator of the Voynich manuscript trampled gleefully over the flower beds of what we now think of as convention: it would be several hundred years before intellectual “Keep Off The Grass” signs would start to appear.

Vowels, Consonants, Numbers, And, The

Regardless of all the above, I think that anyone trying to make sense of Voynichese really has to start with the most basic questions. Surely the biggest ones (and these have bugged me for nearly twenty years) are the classic questions of both cryptologists and linguists alike:

  • Where are the vowels?
  • Where are the consonants?
  • Where are the numbers?
  • Where are the ‘and‘ words?
  • Where are the ‘the‘ words?

Unfortunately, many people who go hunting for vowels in Voynichese take its letter shapes completely at face value: and by that token, EVA a / i / o would ‘surely’ be standing in for (plaintext) A / I / O. Even though this at first seems to move you forward, what immediately happens next is that you find yourself utterly, ineffably stuck: that even though “vowel = VOWEL” may (briefly) feel like a plausible starting point, Voynichese doesn’t actually work like that at all.

And so the more well-organized vowel hunters move on to applying linguistic algorithms (such as Sukhotin’s) to determine which letters are vowels, and which are consonants. This normally (e.g. depending on which transcription you are using, how you parse EVA letters into glyphs, etc) will yield much the same kind of result: which also gets you basically nowhere.

This also doesn’t even begin to attempt to answer the question of where the numbers are (for in a manuscript that size, there must surely be numbers aplenty in there, right?); where the ‘and‘ words are hiding; and just as much where all the ‘the‘ definite articles are to be found.

Honestly, how is it that researchers can collectively invest so much time staring at Voynichese and yet they almost all never try to formulate answers (however hypothetical or speculative) to such basic questions?

Shape Families

Despite our continuing inability to read Voynichese, I think we can identify – purely from their shapes and the similar ways they appear – a number of distinct groups of letters:

  • EVA e, ee, eee, ch, sh  (the ‘c-family’)
  • EVA t, k, f, p (the ‘gallows family’)
  • EVA or, ar, ol, al
  • EVA an, ain, aiin, aiiin
  • EVA air, air, am, aim
  • EVA d, y
  • EVA qo
  • EVA s

Oddly, many of the shapes inside each of these groups can often be substituted for one another (e.g. gallows can normally be substituted one for the other to form similar words): and this alone forms a kind of skeletal “shape-grammar” for Voynichese. (Though quite why this should be the case remains a mystery.)

One of the things I have long wondered about these shape families (which, once again, wasn’t not far at all from what Brigadier Tiltman had suggested) was whether each of them might have previously expressed some kind of individual cipher-like trick: for example, I wondered whether the ololol-like repeats of the or/ar/ol/al group might have originally been specifically used to disguise Roman numbers.

In which case Voynichese wasn’t itself a work of invention so much as one of careful assembly, its creator stitching (and adapting) a set of pre-existing tricks together to form the illusion of a coherent whole.

In which case, the intriguing question then arises as to whether we might be able to reconstruct what each of these families is trying to conceal. Might we be able to work out the secret history of each of these sub-tricks?

On The Vowel Trail

All the same, the question of the day comes down to this: which of these distinct families might be hiding the vowels?

Back when I was writing Curse, I speculated whether the series of ‘c’-like shapes in Voynichese (EVA e, ee, eee, ch, sh) might somehow be standing in for vowels. After all, the members of this set do seem to share some kind of visual ‘family connection’ as far as their shapes go (i.e. they’re all formed of right-facing semicircles, and there are (superficially, at least) as many of them as the number of vowels you might typically expect to find in a typical European text (i.e. five).

A famous medieval monastic cipher also replaced vowels with clusters of dots (e.g. one dot for a, two dots for e, etc), so the idea that a cipher and/or alphabet might ‘thematically obfuscate’ a connected group of letters in the same way is visually (and indeed historically) quite appealing.

At the same time, I think that while this may well prove to be true (or even largely true) for Currier A pages, at the same time something odd is going on with Voynichese Currier B pages that this isn’t capturing. So Voynichese as a whole remains subtler and more awkward than this is able to completely account for.

Strike-Through Gallows

What I also find hugely intriguing is not that there are families of shapes, but that there are also mysterious areas of overlap between those families.

These are the places where I think the creator of Voynichese used his cunning to ‘hybridize’ them, i.e. to adapt the area between a pair of families, to turn the overall set of families into a complete system.

Nowhere is this kind of overlapping clearer than with the strike-through gallows. These are instances where shapes in the gallows family (EVA t, k, f, p) are kind of ‘struck-through’ by a ‘ch’ shape. The difficulty of rendering these struck-through gallows as text led to a lot of debate between people proposing various Voynich transcription alphabets.

In the end, the EVA transcription rendered the ‘ch’ shape as two half-letters so that struck-through gallows could be rendered with a ‘c’ and an ‘h’ either side of it, e.g. EVA k -> ckh, t -> cth, f -> cfh, p -> cph. But remember that this is no more a handy transcription convention, and really shouldn’t be interpreted as endorsing any particular view of what is actually going on ‘under the hood’.

Because that’s another big question researchers have been all too content to avoid ever since EVA arrived: in short, what on earth is going on with these struck-through gallows?

Back when I wrote Curse, I pointed to a 1455 Milanese cipher where, very unusually, ‘subscriptio’ was rendered in a very similar strike-through way: and so proposed that this might well be what we are looking at with strike-through gallows. While this made good hypothetical sense at the time, I have to say it also didn’t really sit well with the idea that EVA ‘ch’ might be in some way part of a vowel family. And so I was left not seeing how these two families and their overlap might have been meshed together

But a couple of years ago, I had an idea as to how all these different pieces could have been reconciled into a single system…

Cicco Simonetta and Q

Philip Neal’s exemplary translation of Cicco Simonetta’s 1474 Regule (‘rules’) for codebreaking includes his translation of Simonetta’s notes on the weakness of the letter ‘Q’:

Consider if in the published writing there be any cipher which always and everywhere is followed on by one and the same cipher, for such a cipher is representative of q, and the other following is representative of u, for always after q follows u, and the cipher which follows on the cipher representative of u is a vowel always, for always after q follows u and another vowel follows after u.

What, then, are codemakers to do to avoid people using QU as a giveaway? Apart from adding in nulls, Simonetta suggests possibly “putting one sole letter in place of q and u”.

Now, what I found interesting about this is that in 1474 (actually, I strongly suspect that Simonetta was copying out a document that had been compiled some twenty years previously, so perhaps in 1454 or so), Milanese codebreakers were aware that leaving ‘q’ and ‘u’ adjacent was a crypto ‘tell’, that could be used to break their ciphers.

And yet in the Voynich Manuscript, there was apparently no sign of any mechanism or shape family being used to obfuscate a ‘qu’ pair. Or… was there?

Revisiting EVA ch

And so I finish this with the thought that struck me a couple of years ago. What if the strike-through gallows were simply formed by a ‘Q’ shape being struck through by a ‘U’ shape?

For if that were the case, we could probably conclude that not only is EVA ‘ch’ a vowel, but the letter it is standing in for is U/V.

Ah, some might say, but there are 18 instances of EVA ‘chch’ in the Voynich Manuscript. However, I would point out that many/all of these could very easily have been copying errors for the (almost microscopically different) EVA ‘chee’ (e.g. ‘dchchy’ could instead have been ‘dcheey’, etc).

Similarly, even though there are 755 instances of EVA ‘chee’ in the VMs, there are only 33 instances of EVA ‘eech’. Perhaps this is representative of words beginning ‘V’+vowel, or of specific diphthongs, I don’t know. There are 4989 ‘che’ instances, but only 180 ‘ech’ instances: maybe this is something that can be mined for more information and insight.

Of course, I don’t know that I’ve got this right: but the suggestion that EVA ‘ch’ is ‘U/V’ is a hypothesis that’s based on good observation and good crypto history, and offers plenty of space to explore and to work with.

For example, it would suggest that ckh is actually the same as (k)(ch), which may help normalize a lot of the text (and please don’t try to argue back to me that k ‘can only’ maps to a single plaintext letter, Voynichese is much too subtle for that, or else we wouldn’t get qokedy qokedy etc).

Lots to think about, anyway.

As per my last post on the Somerton Man, I think it’s time we invested a little effort into understanding Melbourne’s baccarat schools, because two anonymous baccarat players claimed that the Somerton Man was a nitkeeper at an illegal baccarat school in Lonsdale Street in Melbourne.

Recapping, the following appeared in the Adelaide News (26th January 1949) (and Sydney Daily Telegraph and Geraldton Guardian):

Gamblers believe dead man was “nitkeeper”

Melbourne.- Two promininent Melbourne baccarat players who desire to remain anonymous, believe they knew the unknown man in the “Somerton beach body mystery.”

They saw the man’s picture in a Melbourne newspaper and said they thought they recognised him as a “nitkeeper” who worked at a Lonsdale street baccarat school about four years ago. They could not recall his name.

They said the man talked to few people. He was employed at the baccarat school for about 10 weeks, then left without saying why or where he was going.

OK, I’d agree that doesn’t give us a great deal to work with: but at the same time it is specific enough to help us build up a set of research questions.

Lonsdale Street Baccarat Schools

In Australia, baccarat had been made illegal in 1943. Unsurprisingly, Melbourne quickly found hosting a number of baccarat schools. These were typically located in large, upper-floor office spaces (so that lookouts / cockatoos / nitkeepers could quickly pass word up if there was a police raid) and with heavily barricaded doors (so that any evidence of gambling could be removed before the police managed to force their way in).

According to the Argus 1st May 1947, p.2, there had not long before been schools in “Elizabeth st, Lonsdale st, Russell st, and Bourke st”, but they had been closed down – or rather, the gambling bosses had moved their schools to less obvious locations. The glory days of the early 1940s (when the clubs were “luxuriously” kitted out, some even offering “a whole roast pig” supper) were gone.

One of these schools had been the Rendezvous Club, on the fourth floor of Fink’s Building, also known as Fink’s Club. According to the Herald 23rd July 1947, p.3, “Solo stud poker and any card game was played there, but he [John Francis Gilligan] never saw anyone playing baccarat”. Yeah, right… 😉

By August 1947, an expose in the Herald revealed that there were now three big baccarat schools in Melbourne, in Swanton Street, Lonsdale Street, and Punt Road. One of these had a lift, which was organized never to stay on the ground floor: nits checked the punters at the street level and then again at the top before the barricaded door..

In court, it emerged that Gilligan had been associated with a club in Lonsdale Street for several years. There was definitely a baccarat school in Lonsdale Street in mid-1948, according to this report in the Herald 20th July 1948, p.4:

Recently, according to a police report, a “stand-over” man drew a gun in a baccarat school in Lonsdale Street: when he ”came to” a few minutes later he was looking down the barrels of four other pistols.

Sergeant A. Biddington, the gaming police chief who closed down the Lonsdale St baccarat school in December 1948, had had to go to a tribunal the previous month, accused of drinking on the job:

Biddington said in evidence that gaming constables Buggy and Carter, who were on the Shepparton trip under his command and had given evidence against him, were not to be trusted, and in his opinion were dishonest. He had been given information that they had conspired with baccarat bosses while they should have been catching them. He had to take them off baccarat duty because of this, and they were antagonistic toward him.

Sergeant Biddington carried on trying to shut down the baccarat schools, with the next big raid in February 1949. But of course, nothing much changed, with a court case involving a shooting from April 1949, and another shooting in May 1949. More big raids in August 1949 and November 1949 (now courtesy of a “special baccarat squad led by Inspector R. Prinett”) failed to stem the same basic tide: and so it all went on.

The only other name I found associated in the newspapers with Lonsdale Street baccarat schools was Robert Brewster: but that was in 1950.

So… Where Do We Go From Here?

When someone in January 1949 says “about four years ago”, I am sure that they would definitely mean “after baccarat became illegal” (in August 1943) and before the end of the Second World War (2nd September 1945). Those were the ‘glory days’ of the Melbourne baccarat schools, when all the customers seemed rich and beautiful, and their money dropped into the gambling bosses’ hands like so much manna from heaven. So in some ways we have a tolerably narrow date range to work with.

But where might we look for names of people who might be associated with these baccarat schools? The obvious answer would be in Melbourne police records. Even if the baccarat school owners were paying off Percy Plod (and who saw that coming, eh?), plenty of raids on schools did still happen.

The Public Record Office Victoria has the 1945 Police Gazette, and – wonderfully, I think – Photo Supplements to the Police Gazette for 1944 to 1949, and another one for 1939 to 1948. These are all on open access, though some of the other police gazettes are marked as “s11” closed access.

I have read that much of the supplements was taken up with photos of recently released convicts: but might that be not such a bad place to start?

More generally, what other resources are out there? Trove has nothing much on John Francis Gilligan before 1947 (when he was shot), because in July 1936 he had been sent to jail for seven years for receiving stolen goods:

Found guilty of having received stolen goods valued at £800, Leonard Schiffman, aged 50 years, of Rose-Street, West Coburg, grocer, and John Gilligan alias Forbes, aged 29 years, of Malleson Street, Richmond, clerk, were sentenced by Judge Richardson in General Sessions to imprisonment for terms of seven years each.

The defendants’ case probably wasn’t helped much by the “burglary at the Crown Law Office of the safe and the removal of the file of documents dealing with the case“.

I do also wonder whether researchers should be (somehow) asking Victorian retirees for reminiscences on the Lonsdale Street baccarat school. Whatever wall of silence was there in the 1940s and 1950s should have fallen down long ago.

Finally, I do also wonder whether one or more of Melbourne’s baccarat detectives might have recognized the Somerton Man, but then decided not to say a word? Money is money, after all: and silence can be golden.

Diane O’Donovan recently stumbled across a reference to a relatively little-known Italian-Jewish engineer / cryptographer / magician called Abraham Colorni (Abramo Colorni) who was for a short while at Rudolf II’s court: and wondered aloud (in some comments to Cipher Mysteries) what we might learn from his 1593 book on cryptography.

“Scotographia etc etc”

As you might expect, Colorni’s book title is badly afflicted by the prolixity so typical of the age: “Scotographia, ouero, Scienza di scriuere oscuro, facilissima, & sicurissima, per qual si voglia lingua : le cui diuerse inuentioni diuisi in tre libri, seruiranno in più modi, & per cifra, & per contra cifra : le quali, se ben saranno communi a tutti, potranno nondimeno usarsi da ogn’uno, senza pericolo d’essere inteso da altri, che dal proprio corrispondente”. That is, “Scotography, or the science of concealed writing, most easily and most securely, etc etc etc“.

Various physical copies exist: MIT Library, in the Cryptology Collection of UPenn’s Van Pelt Library (I always wondered what happened to Lucy), Harvard Library, BnF, the British Library, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences’ Library, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, and the Klau Library at Hebrew Union College in Cincinatti to name but eight. There are also microfilm copies at Herzog August Bibliothek and the British Library, if squinting into dusty old back-lit magnifying boxes floats your boat.

Obviously, what you’d actually like to know is what online versions exist. The BNCF website includes only a ragged copy of the first couple of folios of MAGL.3.8.24, which is not that impressive:

The Museo Galileo’s website has a complete set of scans of the BNCF MS, though (perhaps because the whole book has an unusual aspect ratio, i.e. it’s much wider than it is tall), all the Museo’s scans have come out vertically stretched by a factor of three in their reader (the “Reader” icon at the top of the page). This is also true of the PDF download option, e.g. how it is (left) and how it ought to be (right):


Alternatively, you can read the same pages from the index webpage, though only one at a time, and the (unstretched) image goes off the right hand edge of the web page unless you really widen the size of the browser window, which is annoying in a quite different way.

Having said that, none of this is fin du monde etc.

The Book’s Contents

As normal, the book starts with a seven-page laudatory preamble praising Colorni’s most magnificent patron, Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II, and explaining the symbolic meaning behind the four specific zodiac signs chosen for the frontispiece (Scorpio, Libra, Virgo, Leo):

The book continues with three main chapters (though the middle chapter is tiny), and then finishes up with an enormous enciphering table (more than half the remainder of the book). It also includes some interesting cryptographic figures which I don’t recall seeing elsewhere.

From what I have read, it seems to me (and feel free to correct this impression) that Colorni was not a theoretical codemaker or codebreaker. Though his cipher history account starts with the normal SCYTALE (long thin message wrapped around a stick) cipher yarn, his writing doesn’t seem informed by the work of contemporary crypto theoreticians such as Bellaso.

Rather, I suspect what happened was that Colorni collected together a series of cryptographic tricks (such as nulls, verbose cipher, etc) and then adapted and extended them into something cunning and ingenious which he believed to be practically impregnable. So I think his book (to answer one of Diane’s questions) documents various cunning “peasant ciphers” rather than being part of a theoretical crypto mainstream.

Incidentally, just about the only ciphertext given in Colorni’s book (there are no challenge ciphers) is:

GWGHPCXKGBEDMMYWOPWQPWO
HMAAHXNAYLPKOOBPXKFFLTGWYIXG

Feel free to try to crack it if you wish. 🙂

Colorni and the Voynich Manuscript?

But, Diane continues, might it have been Abraham Colorni who brought the Voynich Manuscript to Rudolf II’s Golden Court in Prague? Superficially, Colorni would certainly seem to tick many of the boxes, and there’s unlikely to be evidence out there that explicitly proves that he didn’t bring it. (After all, what are the chances a letter now turns up saying “It wasn’t me, Abraham Colorni, who sold that scandalous naked women cipher book to the Emperor, it was that blasted John Dee“?)

All the same, I don’t believe that Colorni’s book’s introductory dedication to Rudolf II (written in 1593) mentions anything sounding at all like the Voynich Manuscript (as always, please feel free to correct me if I’m wrong). It does namecheck Oedipus, but presumably for broadly the same reasons that Georg Baresch also (independently) namechecked Oedipus several decades later.

Perhaps a more productive route to take would be to look at Colorni’s correspondence, and see if that casts any light on the subject. And, very helpfully, there are (at least) two freely downloadable 19th century articles by Professor Giuseppe Jarè that might assist us in this regard:

Both articles include transcriptions of a number of letters (in both Latin and Italian) culled from numerous archives. In fact, the second article contains so many that I suspect that Jarè must have had Colorni as an ongoing research interest for some twenty years or more.

Though some of these definitely mention Colorni’s Scotographia, I didn’t notice anything related to the Voynich Manuscript in there. However, others more observant and diligent than me may have more luck: and wouldn’t that be nice? 😉

Secondary Literature on Abraham Colorni

Though I’ve tried to limit my discussion here of Abraham Colorni to primary evidence, there is also a pretty good modern literature on him if you’re interested:

  • The age of secrecy : Jews, Christians, and the economy of secrets, 1400-1800 – Daniel Jütte
  • Or, in German: Das Zeitalter des Geheimnisses : Juden, Christen und die Ökonomie des Geheimen, (1400-1800) – Daniel Jütte
  • Trading in secrets : Jews and early modern quest for clandestine knowledge (Isis, Vol. 103 (2012), p. 668-68)
  • Il prestigiatore di Dio : avventure e miracoli di un alchimista ebreo nelle corti del Rinascimento – Ari’el To’af – Milano : Rizzoli, 2010
  • Rene Zandbergen also points out there is a chapter on Colorni by Vladimir Karpenko in:Alchemy and Rudolf II, Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries, edited by Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko, Artefactum, Prague (2016), though probably building on Daniel Jütte’s book.

A Needle In A Haystack?

For twenty-plus years, Rene Zandbergen and a whole host of others have invested a lot of time into trying to dig up references / historical evidence relating to the Voynich Manuscript’s (probable) time at Rudolf II’s court: but have so far found nothing.

From what I know, I don’t currently believe that Abraham Colorni will turn out to be the missing link, the “Herald” (in Joseph Campbell / Hero’s Journey terms): rather I think that if it did make its way to Rudolf II’s court, it was very much towards the end of his rule (notionally at Rudolf II’s death in 1612, but he was under a kind of house arrest by his brother Matthias for the last few years – families, eh, who’d have ’em?). And with Colorni dying in 1599, the two therefore probably didn’t overlap in Prague.

All the same, I find Professor Giuseppe Jarè’s articles hugely heartening, because he was able to collect together from a whole list of archives all manner of correspondence relating to Colorni: and that gives us access to a evidential slice cutting through Colorni’s life.

So perhaps the right thing to do, Voynich-wise, is to stop looking for a needle in a haystack – i.e. a single perfect piece of evidence – and to instead start looking for a sewing box in a haystack. By this I mean collections of diligently-collected letters and documents not unlike Jarè’s collection of Colorni’s correspondence, but for technical-minded court insiders who were at Rudolf II’s court nearer the end.

The best attempt at doing this so far has been by looking at the correspondence between Duditius and Tadeáš Hájek z Hájku (1525-1600), who was Rudolf II’s Imperial Astronomer, as studied by Josef Smolka (with help from Rene Zandbergen). I previously discussed their lack of (Voynich-related) success here, and concluded that the 1600-1612 period might be more fruitful.

But do we have a list of people who we might even consider as candidates for this kind of search? One would have thought that the 15 volumes of Tyco Brahe’s correspondence (in Tychonis Brahe Dani Opera omnia) to 1601 would have been thoroughly mined by Voynich researchers by now. Christoph Rothmann (of Kassel) similarly died in 1600, while Caspar Peucer died in 1602. Even so, I suspect we are likely to have no luck with any of them.

Has anyone trawled through Kepler’s correspondence looking for partial or indirect references to the Voynich Manuscript? I’m thinking that perhaps the best way forward would be to look at the network of correspondents linked to Kepler in the 1600-1615 period. The letters between Kepler and Galileo are well-known, but they surely can’t make up even 25% of Kepler’s correspondence, right?

Perhaps one of these letter writers will have heard mention of the Voynich Manuscript: and perhaps this is how the first big piece in the Voynich jigsaw will be found, who can say? 🙂

In my opinion, the Voynich Manuscript’s nine rosette page has a bit of a problem with its pipes. However, to show you why I think so, I first need to take you on a journey through the rest of the Voynich Manuscript…

Q19A containers

Because of their visual similarity to the pipe tops, let’s start by working our way through all the container tops in Quire 19 (‘Q19’). Q19 is made up of two wide bifolios: every single container depicted in Q19 has what appears to be an open top (i.e. no lid or covering), giving them an initial feeling of having been meant to be bound together.

However, if you look carefully at the containers on the inner bifolio (f100+f101), you’ll see that these are all substantially simpler than the containers on the outer bifolio (f99+f102). This makes me strongly suspect that the containers on the inner bifolio were drawn first.

Hence I’ll start by going through the containers in the inner (simpler) bifolio, which I’ll call Q19A (f100+f101). These container tops all appear to have been filled in with faded light yellow paint, that I think is typical of the earliest stages of construction; there is no sign of vertical parallel hatching; some have rows of dots around them; all are very simple.

f100r
f100v
f101r
f101v

Q19B containers

Contrast the preceding Q19A containers (f100+f101) with the Q19B containers (f99+f102) bound around them. These containers start simple (in fact, almost exactly as simple as all the Q19A containers), but quickly grow in complexity. Rows of dots ‘inside’ the container neck on f99 morph into vertical parallel hatching by f102r1: while the parallel hatching starts by yielding to the surface of a liquid in the container (f102r1), before finally going all the way down the neck of the container on f102v2:

f99r
f99v
f102r1
f102r2
f102v2
f102v1

Q15 containers

More than a decade ago, I argued that Q15 was almost certainly intended to have been read after Q19. This was because there is an ever-increasing complexity to the depictions of containers in both quires, growing from simple open-topped containers at the start of Q19 (as above) to Byzantine (and almost impossible to actually construct) containers by the end of Q15.

You can see the direct visual continuity between the last page of Q19 (f102v) and the first page of Q15 (f88r) here (clearly these two were overpainted by different people, using different quality inks and indeed paint strokes):

Voynich Manuscript, f102v jars placed next to f88r jars

Q15 has only one open-topped container (top left of f88r, right at the start of the quire), while all Q15’s other containers appear to have lids, again supporting the idea that this top left container marks a kind of hand-over point between Q19 and Q15:

Here we can see full-height vertical parallel hatching inside the container neck (as per the hatching on f102v2), yet another indication that Q15 should probably be read as following Q19B.

Pipe evolution

I believe the way that these pipes are drawn may well be telling us a story about how the manuscript was constructed, e.g. the order of construction (Q19A, then Q19B, then Q15). We’ll use this basic model shortly as a lens to take a fresh look at the nine rosette page’s pipe drawings.

Furthermore, I think it would be interesting to look again at the text patterns on the (Currier A) pharma pages to see if they too follow some kind of evolutionary path mirroring the pipe evolution sequence. The pipes would seem to predict that Herbal A -> Q19A -> Q19B -> Q15.

Marginalia container

We can use our new micro-model to take another look at the container that is part of the f66r marginalia:

f66r marginalia

Here we can see the hint of sketchy dots or vertical hatching going down to a painted liquid surface, which would seem to date the marginalia to around the time of the Q19A / Q19B writing phases.

Oddly, f66r is a Currier B page: which would seem to imply that the Currier B on f66r may well have been written before the Currier A on the Q19B bifolio. Something to think about, then.

The NW rosette pipes

OK, so now we’re ready to move onto the nine rosette page (I’ll leave the odd pipes in Q13A and the Pisces/Aries tubs for another day, this is already too long a post).

Let’s start with the single set of pipes in the NW rosette:

It shouldn’t be hard to see that these pipes have a fair few drawing issues. For a start, the pipe ends are circles, not perspective-style ovals. Also, you can see traces of faint yellow paint inside the circles (none of the other pipes have this). It also looks to me as though the dark areas in the middle have been added over the top of the blue paint. And yet the blue paint on the top left circle seems to have been painted on top of the inner circle.

Further, there are no parallel markings or rows of dots on the inside of the pipes. I’m also not at all clear about the codicological relationship between the blue and yellow paint: I suspect the faint yellow paint was put down first, and then the blue on top at a different time.

Compare these with a typical cluster of pipes from the central rosette:

Here, there’s no colour in the pipes at all: there’s (faint) evidence of parallel hatching down the inner back wall of the pipe. The rear pipes of the group are occluded by the dominant central pipe: there are rows of dots along the outside of most of the pipes, just below the front edge of the top rim. The side edges of the pipes are also lined up well with the side edges of the top rims.

It may not be a comfortable starting point, but I can’t easily equate the pipes attached to the NW rosette with the pipes attched to the central rosette. My belief is therefore that the five circles in the NW rosette were originally drawn as free-standing circles (and please don’t ask me what this pattern means, because I don’t know), and that the pipe bodies (and the five central dark areas inside the circular ends, to make them resemble pipe tops) connecting them to the rosette were added afterwards.

Moreover, I suspect that the bodging to the NW rosette’s circles to turn them into pipes was done around the time of the Q19A (simple container layer), while the sophisticated ‘fantasia’ pipes added to the central rosette were probably added after the Q19B/Q15 container layer.

I think this also implies that the pipes all around the central rosette don’t have any actual meaning, but were rather added to try to draw attention away from the five fake pipes in the NW rosette. So, of all the pipework drawings on the nine rosette page, only the five circles (at most) had some kind of actual meaning, while the rest of the pipework there would seem to be decoration and/or distraction.

The other story this seems to be telling is that there was not a simple do-a-single-section-and-then-move-on approach to the construction of the Voynich Manuscript: rather, that multiple layers were added and updated at different times, i.e. with a somewhat more reflective and adaptive mindset.

That is, it would seem that the VMs was not a simple fire-and-forget project, but instead something that involved a lot of thought and practical finessing over a period of time. Quite why it needed so much refinement and empirical subtlety I have no idea: but it is what it is.

Wolkenband Layering

If we look at the bridge between the N rosette and the central rosette, I think we can see at least one type of layering quite clearly:

And no, I don’t think that these are simply an artifact of the scribe sharpening his or her quill, or starting a fresh batch of iron gall ink. I’ll specifically highlight the two layers here:

That is, I think that the original outside edge of the central rosette was the wolkenband ‘cloud’ motif (which is, after all, what wolkenbanden signified, i.e. a kind of liminal edge between levels or worlds): and that the pipes around the central rosette were added as part of a separate phase.

This would mean that the central rosette started out as essentially just the exploding onion domes and the wolkenband outer ring: everything else there would seem to be surplus decoration. The north-west rosette too would seem to have originally contained be little more than a series of 37 crescent moons, plus a mysterious set of five circles outside it. (Note that the blue contact transfers near the centre of the NW rosette appear to me to have come from the SW rosette, rather than from a facing herbal or pharma page etc.)

Please understand that I don’t know why any of this should be, I’m merely documenting what I find.

In a recent blog post, anthropologist and linguist Magnus Pharao Hansen takes on the Voynich Nahuatl monster constructed by Tucker, Talbert and Janick. Having written a dissertation “Nahuatl Nation” on “the political roles of the Nahuatl language in Mexico and beyond” in 2016, Hansen sounds like someone well equipped for this particular battle. So what does he think?

Hansen helpfully lists the main problems as he sees them, starting with the quality of the actual scholarship supporting the venture:

The most nefarious problem is that it is pseudo-rigorous –  that is it, it works hard to give the appearance of being rigorous scholarship while in fact it is not at all.  They cite lots of serious scholarship, and mostly they cite it correctly, but nevertheless all the citations are used only for circumstantial evidence. As soon as we look at the concrete examples and the readings they are unsupported by this evidence and rests on pure speculation – often uninformed speculation.


But this is just peanuts to space, as Douglas Adams once wrote. For Hansen, the hugest problem is simply that T/T/J’s supposed Nahuatl readings make no sense to him whatsoever:

For me the best problem, best because it is so solid that it clearly invalidates the entire endeavor, is the fact that none of the proposed readings are valid – hardly a single one of the proposed words actually read like a bona fide Nahuatl word.

Many of them are completely alien to Nahua phonological structure. And to be honest I am surprised that the scholars haven’t found it to be odd that a few of the letters are so frequent that they appear in almost all words – for example more than half of the proposed plant names (and names of the nude ladies they call “nymphs”) start with the letter that they read as /a/ – that would be very odd in a natural language, unless the a was a very frequent grammatical prefix (which it isn’t in Nahuatl).

Even so, Hansen pursues the logical thread through to the end by trying to use the supposed ‘key’ supplied in T/T/J’s 2018 book to turn Voynich text into proper Nahuatl, to see where this led. And he ended up no less disappointed by what he found there:

Finally, as I read the example it bothered me that there is a certain repetitiveness in the deciphered text, the same letters seem to occur very frequently in combinations with specific other letters. This is not usually the case for natural languages – but very frequent in something like glossolalia of the baby-speech “lalala balala malalaba”- type.

So, there you have it. There isn’t anything in Tucker, Talbert and Janick’s oeuvre that actually links Voynichese to Nahuatl in any workable way. Next!

In many ways, Beale Cipher B1 is a lot like the Zodiac Killer’s Z340 cipher, insofar as they both have what seem to be direct predecessor homophonic ciphertexts (B2 and Z408) that are very publicly solved: yet we seem unable to exploit both ciphertexts’ apparent similarities in both system and presentation to their respective parent.

At the same time, it’s easy to list plenty of good reasons why Beale Cipher B1 has proved hard to crack (even relative to B2), e.g. its very large proportion of homophones, the high likelihood of transcription errors, etc. Combining just these two would seem to be enough to push B1 out of the reach of current automatic homophone crackers, even (sorry Jarlve) the very capable AZdecrypt.

But in many ways, that’s the easy side of the whole challenge: arguably the difficult side is working out why B1’s ciphertext is so darned improbable. This is what I’ve been scratching my head about for the last few months.

Incremental Series

I posted a few days ago about the incremental sequences in B1 and B3 pointed out by Jarlve, i.e. where the index values increased (or indeed decrease) in runs. Jarlve calculated the (im)probability of this in B1 as 4.61 sigma (pretty unlikely), B2 = 2.72 sigma (unlikely, but not crazily so) and B3 = 9.86 sigma (hugely unlikely).

Why should this be the case? On the one hand, I can broadly imagine the scenario loosely described by Jim Gillogly where an encipherer is pulling random index values from the same table of homophones used to construct B2, but where the randomness sometimes degenerates into sweeping across or down the table (depending on which way round it was written out), and that this might (somehow) translate into a broadly positive incrementality (in the case of B1).

But this kind of asks more questions than it asks, unfortunately.

Gillogly / Hammer Sequences

Surely anyone who has read more than just the mere surface details of the Beale Ciphers will know of the mysterious Gillogly strings in Beale Cipher B1 (that were in fact discussed at length by both him and Carl Hammer).

On the one hand, finding strings in broadly alphabetic sequence within the resulting plaintext (if you apply B2’s codebook to B1’s index numbers) would seem to be a very improbable occurrence.

And yet the direct corollary of this is that the amount of information stored in those alphabetic sequences is very small indeed: indeed, it’s close to zero.

One possible explanation is that those alphabet sequences are nothing more than nulls: and in fact this essentially the starting point for Gillogly’s dissenting opinion, i.e. that the whole B1 ciphertext is a great big null / hoax.

Alternatively, I’ve previously speculated that we might be looking here at some kind of keyword ‘peeking’ through the layers of crypto, i.e. where “abcdefghiijklmmnohp” would effectively be flagging us the keyword used to reorder the base alphabet. For all that, B1 would still be no more than a “pure” homophonic cipher, DoI notwithstanding. As a sidenote, I’ve tried a number of experiments to use parts (e.g. reliable parts, and only some letters) of the B2 codebook to ‘reduce’ the number of homophones used by the B1 ciphertext to try to finesse it to within reach of AZdecrypt-style automatic cracking, but with no luck so far. Just so you know!

I’ve also wondered recently whether the abcd part might simply be a distraction, while the homophone index of each letter (e.g. 1st A -> 1, 2nd A -> 2, 3rd A -> 3, etc) might instead be where the actual cipher information is. This led me to today’s last piece of improbability…

The Problem With jklm…

Here’a final thing about the famous alphabetic Gillogly string that’s more than a bit odd. If you take…

  • the B1 index (first column)
  • map it to the slightly adjusted DOI numbering used in the B2 ciphertext (second column, hence 195 -> 194)
  • read off the adjusted letter from the DoI (third column, i.e. “abcdefghiijklmmnohp”)
  • print out the 0-based index of that homophone (fourth column, i.e. “0” means “the first word beginning with this specific letter in the DoI”)
  • and print out how many times that letter appears in the DoI

…you get the following table:

  147 ->  147 -> a -> 16 /166
436 -> 436 -> b -> 12 / 48
195 -> 194 -> c -> 7 / 53
320 -> 320 -> d -> 10 / 36
37 -> 37 -> e -> 2 / 37
122 -> 122 -> f -> 1 / 64
113 -> 113 -> g -> 1 / 19
6 -> 6 -> h -> 0 / 78
140 -> 140 -> i -> 5 / 68
8 -> 8 -> i -> 1 / 68
120 -> 120 -> j -> 0 / 10
305 -> 305 -> k -> 0 / 4
42 -> 42 -> l -> 0 / 34
58 -> 58 -> m -> 0 / 28
461 -> 461 -> m -> 7 / 28
44 -> 44 -> n -> 1 / 19
106 -> 106 -> o -> 7 /144
301 -> 301 -> h -> 7 / 78 [everyone thinks this one is wrong!]
13 -> 13 -> p -> 0 / 60

What I find strange about this is not only that the “jklm” sequence is in perfect alphabetic order, but also that its letters are all the 0th instance of “jklm” in the DoI. To me, this seems improbable in quite a different way. (Perhaps Dave Oranchak and Jarlve will now both jump in to tell me there’s actually a 1 in 12 chance of this happening, and I shouldn’t get so excited.)

The reason I find this extremely interesting is that it specifically means that the jklm sequence contains essentially zero information: the B2-codebook-derived letters themselves are in a pure alphabetic sequence (and so can be perfectly predicted from letter to adjacent letter), while each letter is referred to the index of the very first word-initial occurrence in the DoI.

This means (I think) that there isn’t enough information encoded inside the jklm sequence to encipher anything at all: which I suspect may actually prove to be a very important cryptologic lemma, in terms of helping us eliminate certain classes of (or attempts at) solutions.

Logistically, it might be just too late for Santa to swoosh these under your Christmas tree, but I found out yesterday that Italian perfume house Pinalli has just started selling a range of perfumes and related products under the brand “Voynich Botanica 1-66“.

If you hadn’t already guessed (and I must admit it wasn’t immediately obvious to me), the “1-66” in the name actually refers to the folios of the Voynich Manuscript containing the first large herbal section (well… Herbal A and Herbal B, to be precise). Here’s what their fragrant PR flacks have to say about it (translated from the Italian):

Voynich is an advanced cosmetic brand that combines naturalness with high performance to bring to life formulations strictly free of Silicones, Parabens, Peg, Sles, Mineral Oils, Artificial Colors, with over 98% of natural ingredients. Voynich uses a scientific laboratory that for over 30 years has been studying, developing and producing cutting-edge formulas using the most advanced technologies and the highest quality standards.

The Voynich manuscript is an ancient illustrated code from the fifteenth century. Section I (folios 1-66) called “Botanica” contains countless illustrations of plants and flowers. Voynich products are inspired by the charm that surrounds this book, the passion for botanical research and respect for what Nature gives us.

So what do these look like? There are currently three to choose from:

You can even buy them all in a nice Christmas gift box:

Obviously they’re leaving the plants in the Pharma section for next year’s wave of products, and maybe the bathing nymphs of Q13 for a future spa range of shower and bath products. 😉

Well, they are what they are, I guess. But regardless, may Father Christmas fill your stockings with fine mysteries this year!

I’ve recently been trawling through lots of sources of information on the Beale Ciphers, and thought it might be nice to dump a whole load of thoughts in a single place, rather than sprawl these out over 4-5 posts. So here goes…

Clayton Hart

The suggestion that the Beale Ciphers might be three genuine ciphertexts but that the Beale Papers could simultaneously just be fantastical meanderings woven around those ciphertexts is not original to me (and I never claimed it was). However, what I didn’t realise until the last few days was that Clayton Hart also wondered that this might have been true, possibly as far back as 1903:

Clayton Hart actually met with James Ward and his son, who both, in 1903, confirmed the content of his pamphlet. In particular he states: “I have wondered if Ward might have written his manuscript based upon some figures he found, or made up; and yet, we have the word of Ward, his son, and friends to the contrary. Inquiry among some aged neighbors of Ward showed the high respect they had for him, and brought forth the statement that Ward would never practice deception.”

Interesting, hmmm?

C3 and high numbers

Another Beale page on the same angelfire.com site (though watch out for those pesky pop-unders there, *sigh*) demonstrates that the high numbers in B3 are concentrated very strongly in the second half of the ciphertext:

The image is credited to researcher Simon Ayrinhac, who has a picture from 2006 or earlier here:

Ayrinhac’s French discussion on the Beale Ciphers is also online, though as it doesn’t include the above diagram, there may well be further Beale analyses of his elsewhere online (which I haven’t yet found).

Declaration of Independence

One of Stephen M. Matyas Jr.’s major contributions to Beale Cipher research is his extensive collection of printed versions of the Declaration of Independence from 1776-1825, which is available both in printed form and online on his website, e.g. his checklist and addenda PDFs (both highly recommended).

This has led him to build up what I think is a really solid reasoning chain about the Declaration of Independence used in the (solved) Beale Cipher B2. For example, as far as the word “unalienable” goes, Matyas writes:

Many, in fact, most Declarations printed before 1823 contain the word “unalienable.” Thus, it may be surmised that Beale’s Declaration contained the word “unalienable,” not “inalienable,” and therefore that the two Declarations are different and taken from two different source works (probably books).

In Chapter 6 of his book “Beale Treasure Story: The Hoax Theory Deflated” (according to this page, but more about Matyas’ books another day), Matyas further writes about the word “meantime”:

Beale’s DOI contains the variant wording “institute a new government” at word location 154 and the more common wording “mean time” at word location 520. (The pamphlet’s DOI uses the word “meantime” (one word), and this should be changed to “mean time” (two words) so that ten words occur between numbered words 500 and 510 instead of the present nine words. The printer of Ward’s pamphlet may have unwittingly combined the two words.)

So, the first big takeaway from Matyas’ careful analysis of all the pre-1826 printed copies of the Declaration of Independence is that the DoI that was used to create B2 was, he asserts, not an obscure and wonky variatn, but instead a genuine mainstream copy of the DoI. Matyas says that of the 327 printed versions he was aware of, 26 were entirely consistent with the cipher: and he believes that the one used to encipher B2 was from a book (rather than, say, from a newspaper).

His second big point is that some of the errors that affected the DoI numbering in the pamphlet seem to have arisen because the author of the pamphlet included a version of the DoI that he had adapted / reconstructed to better fit the one used to turn B2’s decrypted plaintext into its ciphertext. As Matyas puts it, “The misnumbered DOI in Ward’s pamphlet is the result of the anonymous author’s best attempt to simulate Beale’s key. He did a pretty good job of it, although some might disagree.”

From all this, I think it is clear that anyone genuinely trying to decrypt B1 and B3 should very probably be working forward from one of Matyas’ 26 remaining compatible DoI texts rather than backwards from the DoI version given in the pamphlet. This is a tricky point with code-breaking ramifications I’ll return to in a follow-up post.

Matyas’s Reconstruction

With the above in mind, Matyas moves on to show the sequence of steps that he believes was taken to construct Beale Cipher B2, which I reduce to bullet-point format here:

1. “[I]t is supposed that [the encipherer] copied the words in the DOI to work sheets.”
2. “He then carefully counted off groups of ten words, placing a vertical mark at the end of each group of 10 words.”
3. “Finally, he constructed a key by extracting the initial letters from the words on his work sheets, and arranged them in a table with 10 letters per line and 101 lines.”
4. The encipherer “made three clerical errors”:
(a) “a word was accidentally omitted after word 241 and before word 246,”
(b) “a word was accidentally omitted after word 630 and before word 654, and”
(c) “a word was accidentally omitted after word 677 and before word 819.”
5. The encipherer “made one additional clerical error; he accidently skipped over 10 words in the work sheets immediately following word 480, thus omitting an entire line of 10 letters in the key.”

Matyas believes that because of these errors, when the anonymous author of the Beale Papers pamphlet came to reconstruct and number his own Declaration of Independence, he adapted the numbering and wording to better fit the plaintext he had worked out.