Words reaches Cipher Mysteries ears (via the Italian Wikipedia Voynich page) of a new Italian Voynich-themed novel called “Codex” by Roberto Salvidio. The story begins when an unknown person sends a manuscript to Mary Radclyffe’s family: from then on, she’s on the run until she can decode the Voynich Manuscript. There’s plenty of esotericism and a sprinkling of Leonardo in the mix – sounds like a bit of fun.

Naturally, I then contacted Roberto Salvidio via Facebook: he told me that he is currently looking for an English translator for “Codex”: if that sounds like something you might like to be involved in, please feel free to contact him.

Intriguingly, Roberto also mentioned that he put his own cipher challenge at the end of his book. Would you like to see it? Of course you would! So, here it is (with his permission):-

12 6 7 1 ­ 8 5 27 5 8 / 6 8 7 27 ( – 7 2 8 5 7 9 / 5 9 8 6 _ 4 33  4 3 23 7 ) 7 5 34 5 ­ 13 4 5 1 ( 7 1 7 4 5 _ 12 3 6 \ 3 15 8 9 5 4  ­ 16 ) 3 9 3 5 1 _ 8 9 4 3 1 7 5 ( 2 6 ­ 3 29 7 16 2  2 ­ 9 7 5 24 9 5 27 \ 4 7 5 8 _ 5 8 9 8 4 / 13 9 7 1 ) 4 5 6 7 8 5  12 \ 2 7 9 5 2 43 1 ­ 7 6 28 5 4 5 7 9 / 3 5 6 8 9 8 3 4 _ 3 21 3  26 3 \ 4 24 3 7 9 3 27 ( 5 9 7 13 2 8 2 7 6 _ 8 13 15 7 \ 8 5 4 ­  2 8 9 3 4 / 12 _ 4 9 3 23 ) 3 7 3 9 1 ­ 9 14 8 7 9 7 2 6 1 \ 8 16  8 6 3 1
2 7 44 9 ­ 5 7 28 5 – ( 3 8 4 4 9 _ 9 5 1 3 ) 3 26 7 9 ­ 9  9 8 13 1 5 4 \ 5 38 1 5 _ 5 89 8 4 ( 7 1 9 ­ 2 61 7 2 ) 4 9 3 6 7 _  6 89 49 8 36 8 9 5 ( 9 1 4 4 1 3 ­ 1 7 3 9 ) \ 81 ( 56 7 84 3 1 /  4 77 6 1 7 19 / 3 8 65 84 _ 76 94 9 3 2 ) 6 8 94 ­ 5 87 9  ­ 2 7 / 1 7 58 28 4 / 7 3 ­ 8 13 9 ­ 1 7 9 3 / 5 7  5 7 1 4 ( 6 2 ­ 51 7 3 ) 3 15 9 3 \ 4 91 7 2 ­ 9 8 75 8 4 / 3  3 65 8 _ 6 9 44 3 7 \ 5 4 3 15 ­ 32 6 7 9 3 / 1 5 49 8 ( 5 4 19 9 8  5 ­ 19 / 6 8 9 _ 8 5 3 44 7 ) 6 8 49 5 1 ­ 6 7 18 18 ­ 7 2 88 6 ­ 4 2 7 9 6 3 ( 9 8 5 8 4 / 4 6 1 7 9 ) 8 4 7  7 23 \ 8 7 7 1 6 – / 7 13 _ 2 45 8 7 4 \ 7 6 18 ­ 4 8 7 9 16  ­ 5 8 9 4 3 1 ( _ 5 8 5 9 3 1 _ 5 8 33 6 5 8 4 4 _ 4 9 6 7 6 32 \  7 4 24 7 8 9 ­ 23 9 16 ) 8 3 7 2 _ 7 5 8 29 8 1 3 4 _ 27 \ 13 4 5  1 ( 2 7 8 66 _ 4 9 6 7 6 3 2 )
– 2 6 7 14 9 ­ 9 16 8 5 1 7 5 4 ­ 5 18 8 7 8 9 ( 7 14 9 5  5 / 4 8 66 7 5 7 9 / 4 8 2 7 1 78 _ 4 8 7 \ 4 91 7 2 ­ 66 23 7 13 9  ) 15 3 9 _ 3 28 9 8 3 ( 4 23 6 9 7 2 ( 7 21 8 7 _ 23 24 9 3 ) 8 7 6 ­ 8 9 15 8 14 ­ 3 2 8 5 7 5 4 ) 1 8 \ 2 17 6 2 ­ 1 €“ 1 9 6 / 11 7 5 8 28 4 _ 8 5 3 4 7 2 _ 12 ( 2 4 6 7 8 9 6 2 ­ 1 7 3  19 3 / 4 9 5 8 7 12 _ 4 9 3 2 6 7 6 3 _ 5 9 8 82 1 72 9 4 ( ­ 9 8  7 5 48 ) 4 7 _ 6 3 9 8 6 5 _ 66 9 5 1 8 13 \ ( 6 5 7 6 8 3 _ 6 5 9 4 9 3 6 \ 5 16 25 ­ 4 8 7 6 9 ) 7 4 23 9 6 9 4 _ 8 27 6 _ 3 18 6 3 \ ( 12  7 8 5 8 5 9 4 _ 4 3 23 7 ) 5 7 18 66 9 14 8 ­ 9 1 7 ­ 3 7  7 6 2 7 9 / 5 6 34 43 8 9 _ 66 7 7 9 4 3 6 9 7 3 _ 5 8 4 6 3 4 6 5 ( 3 15 8 9 5 4 ( 1 7 2 18 7 _ 2 3 17 8 5 4 ) 2 3 8 6 ­ 5 8 9 8 7 \ 7 8 5 9  44 27 ) 3 2 6 7 3 9 7 ­ 4 7 26 11 ­ 6 79 / 9 8 3 4 9 8 _ 9  9 3 5 1 \ 9 8 5 4 5 13 ­ 2 ­1 ( 8 9 3 4 8 _ 3 9 24 9 23 ) 9  9 7 4 19 / 5 6 9 8 6 59 _ 13 15 9 \ 3 6 4 5 2 7 9 ­ 3 2 6 7 9  ­ 5 6 3 15 ­ 9 4 8 6 9 / 5 6 8 6 8 9 _ 5 8 11 2 47 \ 9 8 5  5 4 4 5 13 \ 12 36 _ ( 7 2 5 9 4 5 ­ 28 7 5 ) 15 _ 8 27 12 8 4 _ 9 3  6 4 27 6 \ 4 7 26 9 4 ­ 1 7 6 14 7 19 / 3 6 8 5 6 _ 4 9 5 6 8 7 12  5 8 _ 4 8 9 5 55 6 3 ( 4 13 5 4 1 \ 9 5 19 3 11 _ 7 8 6 2 7 _ 6 9 7 4 2 3 9 4 ) 7 5 34 5 ­ 4 5 13 5 4 3 \ 5 8 6 _ 3 6 8 6 7 5 ( 3 1 8 9 4 3  15 \ 3 5 3 8 1 5 ) 2 3 ­ 4 1 9 5 8 89 5 4 ( 6 3 4 9 5 _ 3 2 6 7 2  3 6 \ 14 15 3 4 \ 5 8 \ 4 7 27 14 3 9 ­ 7 1 9 4 5 8 8 2 6 ) 3 2 9  6 4 9 7 6 _ 9 8 9 4 1 7 5 / 7 25 8 7 / 41 7 5 4 _ 4 5 12 8 7 8 11 \ 21 7 2 3 9 ­ 7 5 16 9 6 2 8 4 / 6 8 7 27 _ 4 2 \ 6 7 19 3 ( 5 9 8 8 6 9 5  6 _ 6 9 3 4 9 ) 6 6 11 7 2 ­ 2 7 9 16 14 \ 5 9 3 1 5 \
\ \ 5 13 5 4 3 ( 15 9 8 4 / 3 7 5 8 8 2 3 5 4 ­ 6 7 9 3 1 6 2 \ 4  44 9 5 8 7 12 ) 4 8 6 5 7 9 5 7 6 / 12 8 3 1 9 5 _ 6 3 7 6 9 4 3 \ 6 7 4 16 2 ­ 6 9 6 7 4 5 8 4 / 8 34 8 ( 3 18 8 9 3 ­ 7 8 9 9 5 8  8 4 5 5 7 / 8 27 6 88 4 _ 7 21 8 7 4 6 8 15 \ 9 13 14 1 ­ 7 13 9 7 )  9 3 6 5 4 _ 9 3 8 8 9 4 3 / 6 4 48 / 1 7 2 8 4 7 _ 3 6 3 7 2 \ 5 1 ( 5 13 4 / ) 4 23 9 4 _ ( 4 18 7 6 1 ­ 23 4 5 8 ­ 6 7 ­ 3 €“ 3 7 5 4 35 7 )
\ 7 3 6 72 3 9 4 ­ 7 12 6 3 29 6 / 6 8 ( 55 19 8 4 18 ­ 16 16 ) 9 55 31 _ 5 7 1 3 4 5 6 ( 5 27 ­ 3 5 7 11 / 28 3 12 3 _ 3 6 ) 9  3 7 27 ­ 27 3 4 9 17 ( 3 8 _ 9 2 3 9 4 2 _ 5 8 4 8 9 98 / 5 8 7 25  ) 11 8 _ 5 5 7 2 13 4 9 8 / 4 8 7 6 9 6 / 4 9 5 6 9 21 7 6
( 7 8 6 16 7 ­ 2 7 3 88 4 5 7 ) 9 3 \ 4 9 22 13 ( 7 8 5 4 27 1 _ 7  24 23 4 8 ) 16 7 8 5 ­ 3 4 \ 3 5 7 31 8 5 _ 6 8 9 _ 9 4 37 6 _ 6 5  8 9 ( 4 5 27 9 4 7 ­ 5 8 2 6 4 9 1 ) 7 8 4 5 7 _ 7 5 8 4 1 ( 1 5 2  7 66 16 8 7 ­ 6 27 19 37 ) 3 9 4 23 27 6 _ 27 5 8 14 9 _ 69 4 3 \  9 13 14 ­ 6 7 9 7 3 26 / 3 6 _ 3 18 6 13 \ 9 8 13 15 4 ( 785 _ 4 9  5 23 15 8 6 7 ) 4 8 5 6 7 5 9 8 ­ 8 76 16 25 ( 7 11 _ 5 1 8 6 7 8  _ 6 3 6 5 6 7 _ 4 23 9 ) 3 9 3 7 19 ­ 3 15 8 8 9 3 ­ 6 4 7  7 9 7 16 \ 9 8 44 5 8 13 ( 9 5 8 7 2 _ 3 9 ) 39 1 7 3 9
– 8 7 44 2 ( 5 18 9 4 5 _ 8 5 31 ) 4 8 7 5 4 / 4 5 ( 5 8 1 ­ 3 7 9  1 ­ 33 1 8 9 ­ 27 1 7 1 ) 44 5 9 3 \ 15 14 1 9 18 9  9 ­ 6 28 7 4 3 9 / 6 3 4 6 5 _ 4 7 2 1 8 5 \ 5 8 13 4 9 ­ 15 15 ( 7 14 / 44 8 7 6 9 ) 18 5 1 _ 8 9 5 6 8 ( 3 4 15 ­ 4 3 7 5 4 ) 3  4 2 5 15 3 _ 5 8 9 8 4 8 ( 16 7 8 7 2 5 3 9 ­ 9 8 5 4 5 7 5 8 / 66  88 7 2 ( 5 8 9 4 31 ­ 6 8 4 3 9 17 ) 3 4 5 8 13 7 ) 9 8 4 5 7  ­ 27 19 6 44 9 ­ 48 7 6 19 1 / 8 4 7 2 8 21 _ 12 6 3 12 3  3 \ 3 4 2 7 9 4 ( 2 7 88 6 _ 4 5 8 67 1 23 ) 8 5 7 / 7 28 _ 7 28 5 4 21 \ 6 3 7 9 6 7 2 ­ 6 17 2 3 7 9 / 11 7 6 3 8 2 ( 9 7 1 44 5 2 4  ­ 11 77 9 7 6 ) 4 5 6 7 8 7 3 5 \ 11 3 9 8 1 ­ 7 4 9 4 6 /  / 5 9 _ 3 5 13 7 18 \ 2 7 12 ­ 3 5 1 7 3 / 6 7 2 8 6 _ 8 5 4 2 3 7 \  8 5 4 19 8 ­ 8 7 4 3 9 28 6 ­ 9 88 5 14 ( 2 7 1 _ 5 7 4 2  2 \ 9 31 8 9 ­ 3 77 9 11 ) 4 9 6 7 6 3 2 _ 3 8 3 44 3 66 ( 3 14 5 \  4 9 3 24 \ 13 2 4 3 2 7 9 ­ 19 7 3 ) 4 5 8 7 24 \ 6 2 7 12 ( 8 66  _ 8 5 9 31 \ 8 5 9 44 3 1 ­ 8 4 ) 5 8 6 7 _ 4 9 ( 5 88 9 3 11
­ 7 16 4 7 6 9 / 3 6 8 55 6 _ 9 33 2 4 9 6 77 \ 88 7 12 5 9 8 4 5  ­ 88 6 8 7 9 34 / 32 88 9 8 3 _ 6 7 2 4 9 5 18 66).
Doubtless if you do crack it, he’ll put a trickier one in the English edition. Enjoy! 🙂

Here’s a quick Voynich Manuscript palaeographic puzzle for you. A couple of months ago, I discussed Edith Sherwood’s suggestion that the third letter in the piece of marginalia on f116v was a Florentine “x”, as per Leonardo da Vinci’s quasi-shorthand. I also proposed that the topmost line there might have read “por le bon simon s…

Going over this again just now, I did a bit of cut-and-paste-and-contrast-enhance in a graphics editor to see if I could read the next few letters:-

por-le-bon-simon-sint

OK, I’m still reasonably happy with “por le bon simon s…“, but what then? Right now, I suspect that this last word begins “sint…” (and is possibly “sintpeter“?) – could it be that this is the surname of the intended recipient? Of course, in the Bible, St Peter’s name was originally Simon, so “simon sintpeter” may or may not be particularly informative – but it could be a start, all the same.

But then again, the “n” and/or “t” of the “sint” could equally well have been emended by a well-meaning later owner: and the last few letters could be read as “ifer“, depending on whether or not the mark above the word is in the same ink. Where are those multispectral scans when you need them? Bah!

Feel free to add your own alternate readings below! 🙂

Just to let you know that the normal summer “news drought” appears to have arrived a little early this year – apart from a couple of shiny new Voynich theories working their way through the pipeline and some long overdue book reviews to write up (most notably Christopher Harris’ novel “Mappamundi”), there’s really nothing much happening.

So… please don’t be unduly alarmed if your daily Cipher Mystery fix fails to arrive – it’s the world’s fault, not mine. 🙂

In early 2008, I became interested in the mystery surrounding the first invention of the telescope. The year was the 400th anniversary of the first Dutch telescope patent application – yet the more accounts and explanations I read (even the very best ones, such as Albert van Helden’s exemplary “The Invention of the Telescope”), the less I believed any of them. For the greatest part, probably the most appropriate take on the evidence as it stands is simply this: a cultured state of tolerant disbelief.

But all that seemed to change when I stumbled upon a reference to some little-known research by José Maria Simón de Guilleuma, a Spanish historian from fifty years ago. A Barcelonan optometrist by trade, he had long been intrigued by Juan Roget, a Catalonian spectacle-maker from the same town who the Milanese courtier Girolamo Sirtori claimed was the real first inventor of the telescope. Fascinatingly, when I combined Simón de Guilleuma’s (apparently archivally precise) references with the telescope history research from the decades following his death, what emerged was far from the generally accepted historical account – taken as a whole, it suggested a radically different historical narrative involving a mad dash across Europe to the Frankfurt Fair in September 1608.

And so I wrote an article that brought all these pieces together, and (as an intellectual historian) presented the detailed secondary evidence as best I could, together with a suggested reconstruction which attempted to reconcile all the differing accounts into a satisfactory monoptic timeline: this first appeared in History Today’s September 2008 edition, with a translation by Enrique Joven following on in the Spanish telescope magazine Astronomia in October 2008.

(Here’s a link to my current set of bibliographic references on Juan Roget: this should be a useful starting point for anyone wanting to read more about this subject.)

However, the nagging question remained of whether my whole story was properly supported by the primary evidence. And so a few days ago, I went for a (carefully chosen) short family holiday to Barcelona: while my wife and son explored the foody wonders of the Boqueria, I instead headed off to the Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona (the “AHPB”) not far away, where the most relevant primary notarial documents in this story were to be found. What would I find?

The AHPB is part of the Col-legi Notaris de Catalunya: you buzz at a large (but fairly nondescript) door at #4 Calle de Notariat (ignore the sign that tells you to ask at #2, you’ll only get sent back to #4) – it’s the one with a surprisingly fancy “pan/tilt” hi-res entry camera. Go in and ask the guard at reception that you’re there to consult the AHPB, and he’ll direct you to the lift to go up to the second floor. Oh, yes, how could I forget the AHPB’s unnervingly James Bond-style lift, with four underground floors (-1 to -4), holding the 12,000 linear metres of storage.

Once you’re out of the lift, you find yourself in what feels like an embassy’s nondescript internal corridor, with only the giant circular “BIBLIOTECA” embossed in the floor (a bit like a film prop, it has to be said) to persuade you otherwise. Follow the corridor to the right, and you find yourself in a fairly bijou library area, with only a handful of tables for researchers to work on. Perhaps because of the short opening hours (10am to 1pm Monday to Friday, plus 4pm to pm on Wednesday), there’s a palpable feeling of urgency to the place, quite unlike most other research libraries I have been to.

To call up AHPB notarial documents, you:

  • Find the appropriate section of the multi-volume printed inventory (arranged chronologically, broadly by century)
  • Look up the particular notary’s name in the alphabetic index near the back to find the starting page number
  • Turn to that page
  • Scan forwards until you find whichever bound set of documents matches the date you are interested in
  • Copy the call number(s) onto a request slip, together with the name of the notary
  • Hand the request slip to the person on the small table on the right

…and your documents appear on your desk surprisingly quickly. Very quick, efficient, & straightforward.

The brick wall I immediately ran into was that even doing this cast significant doubt on the archival precision of that part of Simón de Guilleuma’s work relating to early mentions of telescopes by notaries. You see, he had referred to the four main documents I was hoping to see as:-

  1. Notary: Francisco de Pedralbes. Pedro de Cardona, 10 April 1593.
  2. Notary: Francisco de Pedralbes. Maria de Cardona y de Eril, 13 December 1596.
  3. Notary: Geronimo Gali. Jaime Galvany, auction held on 5 September 1608.
  4. Notary: Miguel Axada. Honorato Graner, 6th August 1613 (though this could well be in the Biblioteca de Catalunya instead).

The problem here is that according to the LL. Cases’ “Inventarii de l’AHPB” vols S.XVI and S.XVII/1, Jeroni Galí (call numbers 699/1 and 699/2) acted as a notary from 1635 onwards, while Miquel Aixada (call number 643/1) was a notary between 1622 and 1623. And so if Simón de Guilleuma got the notaries’ names right, it would appear that he got the dates significantly wrong… by 25+ years and 10+ years, respectively.

Now, it has to be said that it takes a while to get the hang of any historical handwriting, and I was extremely short of time: so I can’t claim to have read every word of every page in the documents I called up. But I can say that I didn’t manage to find any of the references I was looking for.

The most frustrating AHPB documents of all were those of Francesc Pedralbes, a notary from 1562-1599. For the two dates given (call numbers 426/106 and 426/116), the notary’s ink has soaked its way right through the paper, leaving each folio’s two sides of text awkwardly merged together – extremely difficult to read slowly, let alone fast. And so it might well be that I was indeed squinting hard at the two Pedralbes documents Simón de Guilleuma described, but unable to make them out at all.

[The irritating thing is that I didn’t know that the AHPB allows researchers to take cameras (I’d guess with the flash turned off?) in with them: so I could easily have taken photos of all the likeliest candidates to pore over at my leisure – but there was simply not enough time on that Friday morning before the AHPB closed to find my wife and borrow her camera.]

The problem, of course, is that the my article’s whole narrative (as far as 1608 goes) hinged on the timing. If a telescope was sold at a Barcelonan auction on 5th September 1608, then that is big news – but if that auction was actually held three decades later, it’s no news at all (which is, of course, why I went looking for this particular document). From what I’ve seen, I’d say that the odds are high that this did not happen in 1608 – hence the latter category beckons (unfortunately).

Right now, I have to say that this side of the research into the Spanish telescope appears stalled: not only do I not know why Simón de Guilleuma apparently got these dates so very wrong, I don’t know why Spanish historians haven’t checked this in fifty years.

Another thing I don’t currently understand is that when I asked the Biblioteca de Catalunya about these documents, they said that they were in the Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona (AHCB), and that:-

The sections of Francisco Pedralbes have the following topographical data: XII.3 and XII.9 of the Protocols notarials collection. The topographical data for Gali’s protocol is XIII.8 of the same collection 

However, when I emailed the AHCB, they seemed to think that these would instead be in the AHPB. Given that there’s an air of uncertainty over all of this that I don’t claim to understand, I thought I ought to flag every detail: someone with more experience of the ‘system’ might very well be able to make more sense of it all than me.

All in all, I do think that this is something which a local history graduate student could probably get an interesting paper out of: for if Simón de Guilleuma didn’t simply make this all up, what was he looking at?

* * * * * *

Of course, you might simply think that all the above casts doubt on Simón de Guilleuma’s reputation as an historian. Yet an entirely parallel lead popped up since my September 2008 History Today article, which appears to vindicate the other half of his research (into the life of Juan Roget and his nephews).

After my History Today article came out, University of Madrid urban historian Jim Amelang – whose name tourists may possibly recognize as a co-author of the book “Twelve Walks Through Barcelona’s History”, as mentioned in the Time Out guide to Barcelona – contacted me to say that he had found an interesting research lead on the Roget family in the AHPB.

He documented it on pp. 383-4n of his 1998 book “The Flight of Icarus: Artisan Autobiography in Early Modern Europe”, Stanford: Stanford University Press (I ordered a copy last year, but it got cancelled by the bookseller after six months, *sigh*).

I can do no better than to quote in full Jim Amelang’s emailed summary of what he found:

It is the 10 Dec. 1617 testament of one Hierónima Verges, wife of Andreu Verges, a tanner of Barcelona, and daughter of Joan Roget, “ullarer” (eyeglass maker) and his wife Hierónima, both deceased. I fear that this document says nothing about astronomy or telescopes. However, it does mention several family members, especially a brother named Joan Roget, who lived in Barcelona on the Plaça del Blat, and to whom she left 5L for mourning clothes, and her uncle Magi Roget, who was like her father identified as an ullarer. Apparently she died on 19 December. It’s not much to go on, but it does give us a bit more information about the family, including the fact that the elder Joan passed the trade on to other members of his tribe. Also, the elder Joan was referred to as a “citizen of Barcelona“, which meant that he had been residing some time in the city before his death (which did not necessarily take place there). The precise reference, in case you are interested, is Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona/Antoni Masclans, Manual de Testaments, 1610-1630, s.n.

So, we are left with an apparently contradictory situation in which the half of Simón de Guilleuma’s research into Juan Roget seems confirmed as accurate, while the other half looking for mentions of early telescopes in Barcelonan wills, auctions and inventories seems possibly inaccurate.

I honestly don’t know what to make of all this – am I perhaps missing something really big (such as the existence of two separate Barcelonan notaries both called “Jeroni Gali”, with parallel documents in two different archives?), or did Simón de Guilleuma ‘tweak’ the 1608 and 1613 dates to make Sirtori’s claim of a pre-September 1608 Spanish telescope seem more convincing? According to his family, he simply wasn’t that kind of a person: but what, then, would explain it all?

The only solid thing I can say is that my inexperience with (and lack of time and camera in) the Barcelonan archives was a hindrance: and that, realistically, I think it would take at least a week to properly chart out what documents are (and are not) in what archive. Why is nobody in Spain looking at this? To me, that’s the biggest mystery of all.

One of the (frustratingly small) number of art history leads the Voynich Manuscript’s author dangles before our eyes is the balneology part of Q13 (“quire 13”). Specifically, there are two bifolios that depict baths and pools, where the pictures helpfully allow us to reconstruct what the page layout originally was:

          84r/84v – contains Q13’s quire number (which should be at the back for binding)
            78r/78v – contains left half of a two-page bath picture (should be centrefold)
            81r/81v – contains right half of a two-page bath picture (should be centrefold)
          75r/75v

The centrefold originally looked like this (my red boxes highlight a paint transfer):-

Voynich Manuscript, page f78v placed next to f81r

This codicological nuance demonstrates that Q13’s quire number was added after the bifolios had been scrambled, because the page it was written (f84v) on was originally inside the quire, on a bifolio that ended up both flipped and in the wrong position. In “Thc Curse” (pp.62-65), I tried to follow this through to reconstruct the original page order for the whole of Q13.

Fascinatingly, Glen Claston has now raised this whole idea up to a whole different level – he proposes that Q13 was originally two separate (smaller) quires which have been subsequently merged together. According to his reading, the four folios listed above originally formed a free-standing balneological quire (which he calls “Q13b“), while the remaining bifolios form a free-standing medicinal / Galenic quire all on its own (which he calls “Q13a“).

Even though Glen and I disagree on the likely page order of Q13a (apart from the fact that the text-only f76r was very probably the first page, and hence its bifolio was the outer bifolio for the quire) and on its probable content, I have to say that I’m completely sold on his proposed Q13a / Q13b layout (basically, I wish I’d thought of it first – but I didn’t, Glen did). We also agree that because there is no indication at all that f84r was the front page of the quire, there was probably an additional (but now lost) outer bifolio to Q13b in its original state.

Glen also infers (from the apparent evolution of the language between the two parts) that Q13b was made first, with Q13a coming later. Having mulled over this for a few weeks now, I have to say I find this particularly intriguing because of what I believe is a subtle change in quality between the drawings in Q13b and Q13a that strangely parallels the change in drawings between Herbal-A pages and Herbal-B pages.

My key observation here is that whereas Q13b’s drawings appear to be straightforward representations of baths and pools, Q13a’s drawings appear to have layers of rendering and meaning beneath the representational surface: that is, while Q13b is a small treatise on baths, Q13a is a small treatise on something else, rendered in the style of a small treatise on baths. As an example, on f77v you can see something literally hiding behind the central nymph at the top – but what is it?

voynich-f77v-central-nymph

This closely mirrors what I see in the herbal A & B sections: while Herbal-A pages (from the earliest phase of construction) appear to be representing plants (if sometimes in an obscure way), Herbal-B pages (which were made rather later) appear to be something else entirely made to resemble a treatise on plants.

My current working hypothesis, therefore, is that the representational (if progressively more distorted) Herbal-A pages and the representational Q13b balneological section preceded both the non-representational Herbal-B pages and the non-representational Q13a pages, both of which are disguised to look like their respective predecessor, while actually containing something quite different.

(As an aside, the same kind of mechanism might be at play in the pharma section: there, too, you can see ‘jars’ that seem to be purely representational, together with other things that seem to be disguising themselves as ornate jars. Very curious!)

This has a strong parallel with the way that recent art historians (such as Valentina Vulpi) decomposes Antonio Averlino’s libro architettonico into multiple writing phases: In “The Curse” (pp.106-107), I proposed a slightly more radical version of Valentina’s thesis – that Averlino (Filarete) targeted Phase 1 at Francesco Sforza, Phase 2 at Galeazzo Maria Sforza, and Phase 3 at both Francesco Sforza & Lorenzo de’ Medici. In the case of the VMs, I suspect that some of the difficulties we face arise from broadly similar changes in need / intention / strategy over the lifetime of the construction – that is, that the style of the cipher and drawings probably evolved in response to the author’s life changes.

As far as art history goes, though, Q13b appears to give us a purely representational (if enciphered!) connection with baths and pools – places associated in the Middle Ages and Renaissance with healing. Bathhouses were usually situated in the centre of towns and were used by urban folk: while natural spas and pools were thought to have specific healing powers based on their particular mineral content, were usually in fairly inaccessible places, and tended to be frequented by the well-off at times of ill-health (for you needed resources to be able to fund a party to trek halfway up a mountain).

So… might there be an existing textual source where this (presumably secret) information on baths and spas could have come from?

The main source for medieval balneological information was Peter of Eboli’s much-copied De Balneis Puteo (which was hardly a secret): when I wrote “The Curse”, the two main Quattrocento balneological discussions I knew of were by Antonio Averlino and by the doctor Michele Savonarola. I also pointed out that that the (now misbound) Q13 centrefold (f78v and f81r) resembles “the three thermal baths at the Bagno di Romana. Of these, the ‘della Torre’ bath was used for showers, the ‘in-between bath’ was used to treat various illnesses and skin complaints; while the third one was more like a women’s spa.” (p.63)

However, I recently found a nice 1916 article online called “Balneology in the Middle Ages” by Arnold C. Klebs. Klebs notes (which I didn’t know) that the fashion for balneology died around 1500, fueled by a widespread belief that baths and spas were one of the causes of the spread of syphilis. Errrm… that would depend on what you happened to be doing in the baths (and with whom), I suppose. Here are some other fragments from the last few pages of Klebs’ article which might well open some doors:

In Giovanni de Dondis we usually hail the early apostle of exact balneology. Whatever his right to such honour may be, it must be mentioned that it rests on his attempt to extract the salts of the thermal of Abano.

Gentile da Foligno (died 1348), […] a great money-maker and promoter of the logical against the empirical method in medicine. He wrote a little treatise on the waters of Porreta, the chief interest of which may be found in the fact that it was the first to appear in print (1473).

Ugolino Caccino, of Montecatini (died 1425). He came from that thermal district not far from Florence, in the Valdinievole, which has still preserved its ancient reputation as a spa. Evidently he was a man of broad and open-minded scholarship, who in his treatise on all the Italian spas, the first thorough one of the kind, gives the results of his own personal observations, stating clearly when he is reporting from the information of others.

Matteo Bendinelli (1489) sums up for them all, in his treatise on the baths of Lucca and Corsenna,…

Michele Savonarola, representing Padua and the new school of Ferrara. To him European balneologrv owes the most ambitious work on the mineral springs of all the countries.

De Balneis omnia quae extant,” Venice, Giunta, 1553, fol., 447 leaves. This fine collection, the first text-book on balneology, offers to the interested student a mine of information.

Late in 2008, Adam D. Morris emailed me to discuss his Voynich theory: that the VMs might have some connection with Hieronymus Reusner. Finally, I’ve got round to posting about it (sorry for the delay, Adam!)…

Adam’s jumping-off point was the visual similarities between the VMs and Reusner’s 1582 book “Pandora” (a version of the ‘Buch der heiligen Dreifaltigkeit’, Book of the Holy Trinity) – colouring, faces, line-structure, etc. And so he wondered: might Hieronymus Reusner be (or be connected with) the author of the VMs? Or if not him, might it be connected to other Germans connected with him, such as Ulmannus or Franciscus Epimetheus? Additionally, manuscript copies of the “Buch der heiligen Dreifaltigkeit” go back to 1415, so at what point did the drawings we see in Reusner’s Pandora take that general form?

Adam was also intrigued by Bachmann and Hofmeier’s (1999) “Gehemimnisse der Alchemie“, particularly the drawings of people and objects on pp.103-123 which he thought were reminiscent of the VMs.

Alchemy expert Adam McLean has also studied Reusner’s Pandora, and concludes that it is the coloured drawings in The University of Basel, MS L IV 1, UB (entitled ‘Alchemistisches Manuscript’) that were very probably “the original for the woodcuts in Reusner’s ‘Pandora’, rather than their being directly derived from an early manuscript of the ‘Buch der heiligen Dreifaltigkeit’.

I dug up a couple of images from MS L IV 1, UB on the web: Figure 1 on this page, and Figure 1 on this page. The accompanying text dates the manuscript to 1550, which is a little late for the VMs, but (as I’m constantly reminded by others) not one the current fairly scratchy dating evidence definitively rules out. And, as always, the Basel Alchemistisches Manuscript might well have been copied from a yet earlier source – so there may well be a significant (probably German-language) literature on this manuscript which explores its visual roots. Let me know if you happen to find any of this!

As with a lot of VMs research ideas, what we have here is something and nothing all at the same time. Is a slim visual resemblance a convincing enough reason to spend a significant amount of time attempting to build a case for an historical connection? And (for example) might similarities in paint colour merely suggest that the VMs was repainted in Germany in the middle of the 16th century, rather than anything to do with its actual origin?

Perhaps the bigger problem with this lies with trying to shoehorn the VMs into some kind of alchemical tradition (at whatever date) is that nobody has yet presented any evidence that suggests any sustainable parallel (however fleeting) between the VMs’ drawings and any known set of alchemical drawings.

In the past, Voynich theorists have all too often used “alchemy”, “heresy”, “magic”, “necromancy” and indeed “conspiracy” as catch-all that’s-why-it-must-be-secret buzzwords: but the good news is that people are now starting to see that “why is it secret?” is the wrong kind of question (as per point 5 on the DIY Voynich theory list) to be starting from. Given that the forensics mantra is “forget about the whys, focus on the whats”, I believe that an essentially forensic approach is our only real hope of making progress.

And so I applaud Adam Morris for trying to follow the drawings (for art history surely aspires to be a forensic study of stylistics?), as this is arguably the most sensible route to take: but as he has found, it is a far harder path to follow than it at first seems. Good luck!

Before I post properly on the Barcelonan archives, here are some random musings, make of them what you will…

Believe me, I really wanted to enjoy walking around Barcelona – but perhaps I’m too much of an Early Modern kind of guy, because for all my efforts, I just couldn’t get into the town’s whole Gothic Modernist thing.  For all the feverish & fluid imagination in Gaudí’s works, for all his epic & enigmatic symbolism, I instead walked away with an overwhelming impression of hallucinatory parochialism, as if I had somehow seen Leo Lionni’s “Parallel Botany” (or the Codex Seraphinianus, for that matter) writ large in stone and in shattered tiles.

I even took along a copy of “The Gaudí Key” (a recent novel based around hidden messages supposedly left by Gaudí in his buildings, and according to which novelistic conceit the architect’s 1926 death in a tram accident was engineered by a Satanic conspiracy etc etc) to read. But that left me cold too.

Sitting on the plane home, what struck me was a eery sense of how Gaudí’s mesmeric farmboy Catholicism echoed Joseph Smith Jr’s theophanic farmboy Methodism – and an uneasy feeling of how Gaudí’s death (in 1926) segued into Opus Dei’s founding (in 1928). Perhaps the brashly naïve self-confidence required to found a religion is something denied to big-city dwellers: and hence “humble origins” are not a handicap in this respect so much as a significant asset.

To my eyes, Barcelona comes across as a sprawling temple to its own unique brand of modernity, whose underlying religion / subtext is neither Progressive Science (think of the Italian Futurists for that) nor even Commerce (think of the City of London for that), but something else entirely – Pragmatic Nostalgia, perhaps? I don’t know.

Keeping with this week’s Spanish theme, here is a small selection of Voynich tapas to dip into the spicy sauce of your prejudices rich life experiences. Tasty!

(1) René Zandbergen’s recent Voynich talk seems to have gone off OK: here’s a brief mention of it by Hugh Deasy in a blog post.

(2) Here’s a novel (though only partially formed) Spanish Voynich theory presented in the form of a Youtube video: it suggests a link between the Voynich Manuscript and Juan Ponce de León (1474-1521), the soldier who famously went searching for the fountain of youth (though this was only said of him after his death). The irony, of course, is that Florida (to where he travelled) has come to be stuffed full of retirees doing much the same thing. Personally, I suspect he was more interested in gold than any claims of eternal youth: but never mind. Oh, and if you do choose to look at the webpage, don’t forget to turn the shouty rock music backing track off. 😮

(3) Here’s a Voynich theory that is even less well-formed than the above (yes, it’s possible). “Lord Trigon” suspects that the VMs is an elvish school book that fell up from Middle Earth through a well, in basically the same way that he/she once threw his/her own 5th grade maths book down a well (and said he/she’d lost it). Ah, bless.

(4) Finally, a big Cipher Mysteries Guten Tag! goes out to Michael Johne, who puts up brief German summaries of (usually) English-language Voynich news stories on his blog. At first, it was a little strange to see my own posts pop up there (a bit like having a multilingual stalker), but I’m starting to get used to it. I hope to read some of your own posts there soon, Michael!

I’ve just got back from Barcelona (more on that shortly), and have a brief thought on the VMs for you.

Tony Gaffney emailed a few days ago to say that he had posted up his initial thoughts on the Voynich Manuscript to the Ancient Cryptography forum’s Voynich Manuscript topic: overall, his initial code-breaker’s reaction is that everyone else seems to be overcomplicating the issue – the VMs can’t be that tricky, can it?

Alas, for all Tony’s skill and cunning, I believe that he is trying to read the covertext, much as I described here. In poker terms, the VMs is full of “tells“, tiny behavioural tics, mannerisms and rituals that give away what’s going on under the surface: to a code-breaker’s eyes, the problem here is that there are so many tells that it is hard to accept that they all might be valid at the same time, as opposed to being the quirks of (for example) an unknown language. But they are all tells!

All the same, I’ve been prompted (partly by Tony’s desire to see the VMs as a simple object) into wondering whether my own reading of “4o” (as a “subscriptio” token, indicating a word-initial contraction following the first plaintext letter) might be overcomplex. If not that, though, then what kind of thing might “4o” be?

Thinking about it over the weekend, perhaps the simplest explanation might be that it codes for “lo” [‘the’] in the (very probably Italian, & very probably heavily-abbreviated) plaintext. “lo dragone” would then be written something like “4odra[gone]” (depending on how you encipher the rest of the letters). This has the additional benefit of explaining 4o’s ciphertext shape, as the “lo” would be steganographically concealed within the shape of the “4o”, while its very presence would be concealed by running it into the subsequent word (so, “4otedy” rather than “4o tedy“).

voynich-qo-lo

I also suspect that the (rarely seen) free-standing “4” is an entirely different letter entirely… but that’s an issue for a different day.

PS: there isn’t a lot of literature on “4o” (“qo” in EVA), but here’s one brief paper (Sazonov 2003) to be going on with.

Here’s something a bit different that Cipher Mysteries buffs with an interest in the history of the Knights Templar might well enjoy: a 20MB PDF scan of a 1908 article on Temple Bruer, one of the few Knights Templar buildings in the UK still standing.

You see, one summer nearly a decade ago I had a picnic with my friend Charles Cecil and his family at a Lincolnshire local history open day at Temple Bruer, complete with a swordfight between a Templar and an Hospitaller (I think it was a draw). Just for a bit of historian fun, I decided to buy the copy of Archaeologia that contained the definitive article on the site to bring along. Fast forward to 2009… and a few days ago I thought that I really ought to get round to scanning it in, for the benefit of anyone else out there with an interest in Templar history in the UK. (Well, Charles will like it, anyway.

The article is entitled “The Round Church of the Knights Templars at Templr Bruer, Lincolnshire. By W. H. St John Hope, Esq., M.A.” (from Archaeologia LXI (1908), pp.177-198), and commences:-

One is sorely tempted in writing upon matters connected with the Knights Templars to say something about the monstrous persecution and terrible sufferings which the unhappy brethren of the Order endured, during the opening years of the fourteenth century, at the hands of an infamous King of France, a more wicked Pope, and even of a King of England, as an excuse for bringing about their suppresssion.

But the subject has already received the attention of abler hands than mine, and the purpose of this paper is not to lay before the Society any new facts about the Order, but some notes upon a curious church of the Knights Templars at Temple Bruer which I have lately had an opportunity of investigating.

It’s an easy read, and includes some nice plates, plans, maps and photos (most of which I scanned at 600dpi). If you ever find yourself between Lincoln and Sleaford and fancy having a look for yourself, here’s Rod Collins’ nice page which tells you how to find Temple Bruer (though remember that it’s on private property, so you must ask before you go in). Enjoy!