I’ve mentioned Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc on Cipher Mysteries in the past, though mostly in connection with his extensive “Republic of Letters” correspondence, thought to contain somewhere between 10,000 and 14,000 letters. This was because, around 2008, I spent some time wondering whether there might be (hitherto unnoticed) mentions of the Voynich Manuscript in European scientific correspondence networks. A recent email from Diane O’Donovan brought Peiresc back to the front of my mind.

As far as the timing of the Voynich Manuscript’s possible (but sadly not yet certain) sale to Emperor Rudolf II, I’ve long felt it must have happened after 1600 (because there was no mention in Thaddaeus Hagecius ab Hayek’s letters), before 1612 (when Rudolf died), and probably before 1610 (roughly when Rudolf’s brother Matthias took control). If I had to pick a single year, I’d pick 1609, but that’s ultimately no more than an educated guess (yes, the same one that once hurled me down a Rosicrucian rabbit-hole).

Peiresc was a very early telescope owner (in 1610), and probably the first to observe the Orion Nebula (though he didn’t actually stake a claim to this discovery at the time): so was certainly active at the right sort of time. There’s an accessible description of Peiresc’s astronomical activities in Seymour L. Chapin’s “The Astronomical Activities of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc”, Isis, Vol. 48, No. 1 (Mar., 1957), pp. 13-29, (on JSTOR), through which we can see his wide scientific-minded range of astronomical interests, such as tracking the Jovian moons, producing a detailed engraving of the Moon’s surface, and in using eclipses to determine longitudinal differences.

Peiresc’s Letters

As Hatch points out, Peiresc’s letters are strongly centred on a small number of key correspondents in Paris and Rome: and so its 10,000+ corpus size is perhaps a little bit flattering as to the broader range of his correspondents. Yet he plainly did correspond with astronomers (later in life, he stood up very strongly for Galileo, for example), and so it is far from impossible that there might well be a passing mention of the Voynich Manuscript there.

Unfortunately, I have yet to find an online list of Peiresc’s correspondents (I did see a somewhat unhelpful map that vaguely implied that some were in Prague, or at least Bohemia), so unfortunately I can’t easily compile a list of Peiresc’s astronomy-related letters, as I had initially hoped to do. (Indeed, the intersection of ‘astronomy’ & ‘Prague’ would probably yield a very short list of letters to examine).

Note that Hatch’s chapter “Peiresc As Correspondent: The Republic of Letters & the “Geography of Ideas“” (in Science Unbound, Chapter 2, ed. B. Dolan, Umeå, 1998) seems like it could be promising in this regard, but I haven’t yet seen it.

Peiresc’s Papers

Yet Peiresc had another legacy: his papers. Though he published almost nothing in his lifetime, he constantly made notes on everything he heard and read: and these papers comprised around 60,000 pages at his death, which Gassendi then assiduously ground his way through for two years (to write Peiresc’s biography).

Yet it seems to me that articles on Peiresc tend to be written by people who have carefully selected an achievable thematic subset (e.g. Rubens, astronomy, etc) of his letters to work with (though I don’t believe that his letters have all been published yet) – almost none seems to be informed by his papers.

Might there be some Voynich Manuscript mention in Peiresc’s papers? I don’t know how well these have been indexed (has there ever been an index?), and this post is merely a brief research note – so please let me know if you have a good (probably French!) source describing the contents of Peiresc’s papers!

Here’s a suggestion for a Voynich Manuscript paper that I think might well be revealing: taking raking IR images of f116v. But why would anyone want to do that?

Multispectral imaging

Since about 2006, I’ve been encouraging people to take multispectral images of the Voynich Manuscript, i.e. to capture images of the manuscript at a wide variety of wavelengths, so not just visible light.

My interest here is seeing if there are technical ways we can separate out the codicological layers that make up f116v. To my eyes, there seem to be two or three different hands at play there, so it would make sense if we could at least partially figure out what the original layer there looked like (before the other layer was placed on top, I guess at least a century later).

And in fact one group did attempt multispectral scanning, though with only a limited set of wavelengths, and without reaching any firm conclusions. (They seem not to have published their results, though I did once stumble across some of their test images lying around on the Beinecke’s webserver.)

The Zen of seeing nothing

Interestingly, one of that group’s images of f116v was taken at 940nm (“MB940IR”), which is an infrared frequency (hence “IR”). This revealed… nothing. But in what I think is potentially an interesting way.

Here’s what it looks like (hopefully you remember the michitonese at the top of f116v):

Main banks Transmissive

That’s right! At 940nm, the text is invisible. Which is, of course, totally useless for normal imaging. For why on earth would you want to image something at a wavelength where you can’t see any detail?

Raking Light

The interesting thing about this is that one kind of imaging where you’d want the text itself to be as invisible as possible is when you’re doing raking illumination, i.e. where you shine an illuminating light parallel to the surface. At the edges of penstrokes (if you’re looking really closely) at high-ish magnification, you should be able to use this to see the shadows of the edge of the indentations left by the original quill pen.

And so I’ve long wondered whether it might be possible to use a 940nm filter (and a non-LED light source) and a microscope / camera on a stand to try to image the depth of the penstrokes in the words on f116v. (You’d also need to use an imaging device with the RG/GB Bayer filter flipped off the top of the image sensor; or a specialist b&w imaging sensor; or an old-fashioned film camera, horror of horrors!)

What this might tell us

Is this possible? I think it is. But might it really be able to help us separate out the two or more hands I believe are layered in f116v? Though I can’t prove it, I strongly suspect it might well be.

Why? Because vellum hardens over time. In the first few years or so after manufacture, I’m sure that vellum offers a lithe and supple writing support, that would actually be quite nice to write on. However, fast forward from then to a century or so later, and that same piece of vellum is going to be harder, drier, more rigid, slippier, scrapier – in short, much less fun to write on.

And as a result, I strongly suspect that if there are two significantly time-separated codicological layers on f116v, then they should show very different writing indentation styles. And so my hope is that taking raking IR images might possibly help us visualise at least some of the layering that’s going on on f116v, because I reckon each of these 2+ hands should have its own indentation style.

Will this actually work? I’m quietly confident it will, but… even so, I’d have to admit that it’s a bit of a lottery. Yet it’s probably something that many should be able to test without a lot of fuss or expense. Does anyone want to give this a go? Sounds to me like there should be a good paper to be had there from learning from the experience, even if nothing solid emerges about the Voynich Manuscript.

Anyone who spends time looking at Voynichese should quickly see that, rare characters aside, its glyphs fall into several different “families” / patterns:

  • q[o]
  • e/ch/sh
  • aiin/aiir
  • ar/or/al/ol/am/om
  • d/y
  • …and the four “gallows characters” k/t/f/p.

The members of these families not only look alike, they often also function alike: it’s very much the case that glyphs within these families either group together (e.g. y/dy) or replace each other (e.g. e/ee/eee/ch/sh).

For me, one of the most enigmatic glyph pairs is the gallows pair EVA k and EVA t. Rather than be seduced by their similarities, my suggestion here is to use statistics to try to tease their two behaviours apart. It may sound trivial, but how do EVA k and EVA t differ; and what do those differences tell us?

The raw numbers

Putting strikethrough gallows (e.g. EVA ckh) to one side for the moment, the raw k/t instance frequencies for my preferred three subcorpora are:

  • Herbal A: (k 3.83%) (t 3.28%)
  • Q13: (k 5.38%) (t 2.27%)
  • Q20: (k 5.19%) (t 2.76%)

Clearly, the ratio of k:t is much higher on Currier B pages than on Currier A pages. Even if we discount the super-common Currier B words qokey, qokeey, qokedy, qokeedy, qokaiin, a large disparity between k and t still remains:

  • Q13: (k 4.3%) (t 2.46%)
  • Q20: (k 4.58%) (t 2.89%)

In fact, this k:t ratio only approaches (rough) parity with the Herbal A k:t ratio if we first discount every single word beginning with qok- in Currier B:

  • Q13: (k 2.71%) (t 2.41%)
  • Q20: (k 3.57%) (t 2.86%)

So there seems to be a hint here that removing all the qok- words may move Currier B’s statistics a lot closer to Currier A’s statistics. Note that the raw qok/qot ratios are quite different in Herbal A and Q13/Q20 (qok is particularly strong in Q13), suggesting that “qok” in Herbal A has a ‘natural’ meaning and “qok” in Q13/Q20 has a different, far more emphasised (and possibly special) meaning, reflecting the high instance counts for qok- words in Currier B pages:

  • Herbal A: (qok 0.79%) (qot 0.68%)
  • Q13: (qok 3.04%) (qot 0.74%)
  • Q20: (qok 1.84%) (qot 0.70%)

Difference between ok/yk and ot/yt

If we put ckh, cth and all qok- words to one side, the numbers for ok/yk and ot/yt are also intriguing:

  • Herbal A: (ok 1.38%) (ot 1.31%) (yk 0.51%) (yt 0.48%)
  • Q13: (ok 1.07%) (ot 0.91%) (yk 0.17%) (yt 0.12%)
  • Q20: (ok 1.53%) (ot 1.47%) (yk 0.19%) (yt 0.14%)

What I find interesting here is that the ok:ot and yk:yt ratios are just about identical with the k:t ratios from Herbal A. Consequently, I suspect that whatever k and t are expressing in Currier A, they are – once you go past the qok-related stuff in Currier B – probably expressing the same thing in Currier B.

As always, there are many possible reasons why the k instance count and the t instance count should follow a single ratio: but I’m consciously trying not to get caught up in those kinds of details here. The fact that k-counts are consistently that little bit higher than t-counts in several different contexts is a good enough result to be starting from here.

Might something have been added here?

From the above, I can’t help but wonder whether EVA qok- words in Currier B pages might be part of a specific mechanism that was added to the basic Currier A system.

Specifically, I’m wondering whether EVA qok- might be the Currier B mechanism for signalling the start of a number or numeral? This isn’t a fully-formed theory yet, but I thought I’d float this idea regardless. Something to think about, certainly.

As a further speculation, might EVA qok- be the B addition for cardinal numbers (1, 2, 3, etc) and EVA qot- be the B addition for ordinal numbers (1st, 2nd, 3rd, etc)? It’s something I don’t remember seeing suggested anywhere. (Please correct me if I’m wrong!)

So: do I think there’s room for an interesting paper on EVA k/t? Yes I do!

It’s well-known that the distribution of Voynichese page-initial (and indeed paragraph-initial) glyphs is, unlike the rest of the text, strongly dominated by gallows characters. But what is less widely known is that something really fishy is going on with the distribution of all the other line-initial glyphs too.

As far as I know, nobody has yet given this behaviour the in-depth attention it properly deserves, which is why I think it would make a good subject for a paper. Though it perhaps needs a catchier name than “Line-Initial But Not Paragraph-Initial Glyph” (LIBNPIG) statistics (so please feel free to come up with a better name or acronym).

Though you might reasonably ask: isn’t this just another side of the whole constellation of LAAFU (“line as a functional unit”) behaviours?

Well, yes and no. “LAAFU” is a shorthand mainly used by some Voynich researchers to signal their despair at the unknowableness of why certain glyphs seem to ‘prefer’ different positions within a line. So yes, LIBNPIG behaviour is a kind of LAAFU behaviour: but no, that doesn’t mean it can’t be understood. (Or at least carefully quantified and tortured on a statistical rack.)

LIBNPIG Observations

How do we know that something funky is going on with LIBNPIGs?

LIBNPIG ‘tells’ are perhaps most visible in Q20 (Quire #20). For example, even though EVA daiin is common in Currier A pages (you may recall that it’s one of the ‘Big Three’ A-words – daiin / chol / chor), it’s far less common in Currier B pages: however, when it does occur in Q20, it is frequently in a LIBNPIG position. In fact, this is true of all word-initial EVA d- words in Q20, which you can see here (scroll to the bottom).

Similarly, if you look at EVA s- words (ignoring sh- words, which is a particularly annoying EVA artifact, *sigh*) in Q20, you should also see that these appear far more often line-initially than they should.

Is that all? No. The same is true of EVA y- words in Q20 too, but this pattern is additionally true in Herbal B pages. Note that this also seems to be true of some Herbal A pages, but EVA y- words in Herbal A appear to work quite differently to my eyes. (Though I’d advise looking for yourself, & form your own opinion.)

Curiously, even though paragraph-initial words so strongly favour gallows characters, LIBNPIG words seem to abhor gallows characters, a behaviour which is in itself quite suggestive and/or mysterious.

Conversely, if you go looking for LIBNPIG EVA ch- and sh- words, I believe you’re far more likely to instead find them clustering at the second word on a line. Note that Emma May Smith (with Marco Ponzi) looked at this back in 2017, though more from a word-based perspective (even though the first two words on a line in Q20 are often fairly odd-looking). The concern for me is more that these behaviours mean that Voynich word dictionaries (and indeed all word analyses) based on line-initial words are unreliable.

So, what is going on in Q20 (in particular) that is making LIBNPIG words prefer d- / s- / y- so much? I guess this really is the starting point of the paper I’m suggesting here.

Vertical keys?

The notion that the first column of glyphs might have some kind of special meaning is far from new. In fact, there is evidence suggesting this in the manuscript itself on page f66r, where you can clearly see a column of glyphs (though admittedly there is also a column of freestanding words to its left). This is a curious item to find in a manuscript.

But might all (or, at least, many) pages of Voynichese text contain vertical keys inserted as a single line-initial glyph at the start of lines? Philip Neal speculated about this possibility many years ago, causing me to (occasionally) refer to these as “vertical Neal keys”. A vertical key might conceivably be used for many things, such as inserting an (enciphered) page title, or even a folio number or page number: though it’s easy to argue that the relatively narrow range of glyphs we see appearing here probably rule this out.

In “The Curse of the Voynich” (2006), I speculated instead that a glyph inserted at the start of a line might form part of some kind of transposition cipher. The suggestion there was that a second glyph (say, a k-gallows) might act as a token to use the glyph (or some function of that glyph) inserted at the start of the same line. This would be a fairly simple crypto ‘hack’ that would make codebreakers’ jobs difficult.

There are many other possible accounts one can devise. For example, it’s possible that the first glyph on a non-paragraph-initial might function as a kind of catchword, to link the end of one line with the start of the next. Alternatively, it might be telling the reader how to join the text at the end of the preceding line with the text at the start of the current line. Or it might have some kind of crypto token function (e.g. selecting a dictionary). Or it might be a numbering scheme. Or it might be a marker for some funky line transposition scheme. Or a null. Or… one of a hundred other things (if not more).

If all these speculations seem somewhat ungrounded, it’s almost certainly because the basic groundwork to build a sensible discussion of LIBNPIG behaviour upon hasn’t yet been done. Which is your job. 🙂

LIBNPIG Groundwork

What needs doing? For a start, you’d need to build up a solid statistical comparison of paragraph-initial glyphs and LIBNPIG glyphs, along with paragraph-second glyphs and LSBNPS (line-second-but-not-paragraph-second) glyphs, for paragraph text in each of Herbal A, Herbal B, Q13 and Q20 (I would suggest).

With those results in hand, there are some basic hypotheses you might want to try testing:

  • Is there any statistical correlation between a LIBNPIG glyph and the glyph immediately following it? Oddly, it seems that nobody has yet tried to test this – yet if there isn’t (as visually seems to be the case), then I think it’s safe to say that something is provably wrong with all naive text readings.
  • Is there a correlation between a LIBNPIG glyph and the previous line’s end-glyph?
  • Is there a correlation between a LIBNPIG glyph and the following word’s start glyph?
  • Do paragraph-initial second words behave the same way as LIBNPIG second words?
  • Might LIBNPIG glyphs simply be nulls? Might they be chosen just to look nice? Or do they have some genuinely meaningful content?
  • How does all this work for paragraph text in each of the major sections of the Voynich Manuscript? e.g. Herbal A, Herbal B, Q13, Q20
  • (I’m sure you can devise plenty of your own hypotheses here!)

Ultimately, what we would like to know is what LIBNPIG behaviours tell us about how the start of Voynichese lines have to be parsed – for if there is no statistical correlation between a line-initial glyph and the glyph following it, this cannot be a language behaviour.

Even though we can all see numerous LAAFU behaviours, it seems that few Voynich researchers have yet accepted them solidly enough to affect the way they actually think about Voynichese. But perhaps it is time that this changed: and perhaps LIBNPIG will be the thing that causes them to change how they think.

Here’s a second paper suggestion for the virtual Voynich conference being held later this year: this focuses on creatively visualising the differences between Currier A and Currier B.

A vs B, what?

“Currier A” and “Currier B” are the names Voynich researchers use to denote the main two categories of Voynichese text, in honour of Prescott Currier, the WWII American codebreaker who first made the distinction between the two visible in the 1970s.

Currier himself called the two types of Voynichese “A” and “B”, and described them as “languages”, even though he was aware some people might well misinterpret the term. (Spoiler alert: yes, many people did.) He didn’t do this with a specific theory about the manuscript’s text: it’s essentially an observation that the text on different pages work in very different ways.

Crucially, he identified a series of Voynich glyph groupings that appeared in one “language” but not the other: thanks to the availability of transcriptions, further research in the half century since has identified numerous other patterns and textual behaviours that Currier himself would agree are A/B “tells”.

Interesting vs Insightful

But… this is kind of missing the point of what Voynich researchers should be trying to do. The observation that A and B differ is certainly interesting, but it’s not really insightful: by which I mean the fact that there is a difference doesn’t cast much of a light on what kind of difference that difference is.

For example, if A and B are (say) dialects of the same underlying language (as many people simply believe without proof – though to be fair, the two do share many, many features), then we should really be able to find a way to map between the two. Yet when I tried to do this, I had no obvious luck.

Similarly, if A and B are expressions of entirely different (plaintext) languages, the two should really not have so many glyph structures in common. Yet they plainly do.

Complicating things further is the fact that A and B themselves are simplications of a much more nuanced position. Rene Zandbergen has suggested that there seem to be a number of intermediate stages between “pure” A and “pure” B, which has been taken by some as evidence that the Voynich writing system “evolved” over time. Glen Claston (Tim Rayhel) was adamant that he could largely reconstruct the order of the pages based on the development of the writing system (basically, as it morphed from A to B).

Others have suggested yet more nuanced accounts: for example, I proposed in “The Curse of the Voynich” (2006) that part of the Voynichese writing system might well use a “verbose cipher” mechanism, where groups of glyphs (such as EVA ol / or / al / or / aiin / qo / ee / eee / etc) encipher single letters in the plaintext. This would imply that many of the glyph structures shared between A & B are simply artifacts of what cryptologists call the “covertext”: and hence if we want to look at the differences between A and B in a meaningful way, we would have to specifically look beneath the covertext – something which I suspect few Voynich researchers have traditionally done.

Types of Account

As a result, the A/B division sits atop many types of account for the nature of what A and B share, e.g.

  • a shared language
  • a shared linguistic heritage
  • a shared verbose cipher, etc

It also rest upon many different accounts of what A and B ultimately are, e.g.:

  • two related lost / private languages
  • a single evolving orthography wrapped around a lost / private language
  • a single evolving language
  • a single evolving shorthand / cipher system, etc

The difficulty with all of these accounts is that they are often held more for ideological or quasi-religious reasons (i.e. as points of faith, or as assumed start-points) than as “strong hypotheses weakly held”. The uncomfortable truth is that, as far as I know, nobody has yet tried to map out the chains of logical argumentation that move forwards from observational evidence / data to these accounts. Researchers almost always move in the reverse direction, i.e. from account to the evidence, rather than from evidence to explanation.

And when the primary mode of debate is arguing backwards, nobody normally gets anywhere. This seems to be a long-standing difficulty with cipher mysteries (particularly when treasure hunters get involved).

EVA as a Research Template

If Voynich researchers are so heavily invested in a given type of account (e.g. Baxian linguistic accounts, autocopying accounts, etc), how can we ever make progress? Fortunately, we do have a workable template in the success of EVA.

The problem researchers faced was that, historically, different transcriptions of the Voynich were built on very specific readings of Voynichese: the transcriber’s assumptions about how Voynichese worked became necessarily embedded in their transcription. If you were then trying to work with that transcription but disagreed with the transcriber’s assumptions, it would be very frustrating indeed.

EVA was instead designed as a stroke-based alphabet, to try to capture what was on the page without first imposing a heavy-duty model of how it ought to work on top of it. Though EVA too had problems (some more annoying than others), it provided a great way for researchers to collaborate about Voynichese despite their ideological differences about how the Voynichese strokes should be parsed.

With the A/B division, the key component that seems to be missing is a collaborative way of talking about the functional differences between A and B. And so I think the challenge boils down to this: how can we talk about the functional differences between Currier A and Currier B while remaining account-neutral?

Visualising the Differences

To my mind, the primary thing that seems to be missing is a way of visualising the functional differences between A and B. Various types of visualisation strategies suggest themselves:

  • Contact tables (e.g. which glyph follows which other glyph), both for normal parsing styles and for verbose parsing groupings – this is a centuries-old codebreaking hack
  • Model dramatisation (e.g. internal word structure model diagrams, showing the transition probabilities between parsed glyphs or parsed groups of glyphs)
  • Category dramatisation (e.g. highlighting text according to its “A-ness” or its “B-ness”)

My suspicion has long been that ‘raw’ glyph contact tables will probably not prove very helpful: this is because these would not show any difference between “qo-” contacts and “o-” contacts (because they both seem like “o-” to contact tables). So even if you don’t “buy in” to a full-on verbose cipher layer, I expect you would need some kind of glyph pre-grouping for contact tables to not get lost in the noise.

You can use whatever visualisation strategies / techniques you like: but bear in mind the kind of things we would collectively like to take away from this visualisation:

  • How can someone who doesn’t grasp all the nuances of Voynichese ‘get’ A-ness and B-ness?
  • How do A-ness and B-ness “flow” into each other / evolve?
  • Are there sections of B that are still basically A?
  • How similar are “common section A” pages to “common section B” pages?
  • Is there any relationship between A-ness / B-ness and the different scribal hands? etc

Problems to Overcome

There are a number of technical hurdles that need jumping over before you can design a proper analysis:

  • Possibilism
  • Normalising A vs B
  • First glyphs on lines
  • Working with spaces
  • Corpus choice

Historically, too much argumentation has gone into “possibilism”, i.e. considering a glyph pattern to be “shared” because it appears at least once in both A and B: but if a given pattern occurs (say) ten times more often in B than A, then the fact that it appears at all in A would be particularly weak evidence that it is sharing the same thing in both A and B. In fact, I’m sure that there are plenty of statistical disparities between A and B to work with: so it would be unwise to limit any study purely to features that appear in one but not the other.

There is also a problem with normalising A text with B text. Even though there seems to be a significant band of common ground between the two, a small number of high-frequency common words might be distorting the overall statistics, e.g. EVA daiin / chol / chor in A pages and EVA qokey / qokeey / qol in B pages. I suspect that these (or groups similar to them) would need to be removed (or their effect reduced) in order to normalise the two sets of statistics to better identify their common ground.

Note that I am deeply suspicious of statistics that rely on the first glyph of each line. For example, even though EVA daiin appears in both A and B pages, there are some B pages where it appears primarily as the first word on different lines (e.g. f103v, f108v, f113v, all in Q20). So I think there is good reason to suspect that the first letter of all lines is (in some not-yet-properly-defined way) unreliable and should not be used to contribute to overall statistics. (Dealing properly with that would require a paper on its own… to be covered in a separate post).

Working with spaces (specifically half-spaces) is a problem: because of ambiguities in the text (which may be deliberate, from scribal arbitrariness, from transcriber arbitrariness, etc), Voynich transcription is far from an exact science. My suggested mitigation would be to avoid working with sections that have uncertain spacing and labels.

Finally: because of labelese, astro labels and pharma labels, corpus choice is also problematic. Personally, I would recommend limiting analysis of A pages to Herbal A only, and B pages to Q13 and Q20 (and preferably keeping those separate). There is probably as much to be learnt from analysing the differences between Q13’s B text and Q20’s B text as from the net differences between A and B.

If you hadn’t already heard, a Voynich Manuscript-themed virtual conference has recently been announced for 30th November to 1st December 2022: and its organisers have put out a call for papers.

Me, I have at least twenty ideas for topics, all of which I think could/should/would move the state of research forward. But my plan is actually to write up as many of them as I can in posts here, and let people freely take them to develop as their own, or (my preference) to form impromptu collaborations (via the comments section here, or via a thread on voynich.ninja, whatever works for you) to jointly pitch to the organisers.

I’ll start with what I think is the most obvious topic: DNA gathering analysis. I’ll explain how this works…

Quires vs Gatherings

Though some people like to oppose it, by 2022 Voynich researchers really should have fully accepted the idea that many of the Voynich’s bifolios have, over the centuries, ended up in a different nesting/facing order to their original nesting/facing order. There is so much supporting evidence that points towards this, not least of which is the arbitrary & confused interleaving of Herbal A and Herbal B bifolios.

Consequently, there is essentially zero doubt that the Voynich Manuscript is not in its original ‘alpha’ state. Moreover, good codicological evidence suggests that the original alpha state was not (bound) quires but instead (unbound) gatherings, because the quire numbering seems to have been added after an intermediate shuffling stage.

The big codicological challenge, then, is to work out how bifolios were originally grouped together (into gatherings), and how bifolios within each gathering were nested – i.e. the original ‘alpha’ state of the Voynich Manuscript.

Yet without being able to decrypt its text, we have only secondary clues to work with, such as tiny (and often contested) contact transfers. And because many of the (heavy) paint contact transfers (such as the heavy blue colour) seem to have happened much later in the manuscript’s lifetime, many of the contact transfers probably don’t tell us anything about the original state of the manuscript.

In Chapter 4 “Jumbled Jigsaws” (pp.51-71) of my (2006) book “The Curse of the Voynich”, I did my best to use a whole range of types of clue to reconstruct parts of the original folio nesting/facing order. Even so, this was always an uphill struggle, simply because we collectively had no properly solid physical forensic evidence to move this forward in what you might consider a systematic way.

From Gatherings to Vellum Sheets

However, a completely different way of looking at a manuscript is purely in terms of its material production: how were the pages in a gathering made up?

If a vellum manuscript is not a palimpsest (i.e. using previously-used vellum that has been scraped clean), it would typically have started as a large vellum sheet, which would then have been folded down and cut with a knife or shears or early scissors into the desired form. Given the unusual foldout super-wide folios we see in the Voynich Manuscript, I suspect there is almost no chance that these sheets were pre-cut.

As such, the normal process (e.g. for book-like sections) would have been to fold a sheet in half, then in half again, and then cut along the edges (leaving the gutter fold edge intact) to form a small eight-page gathering. This is almost certainly what happened when the Voynich Manuscript was made, i.e. it was built up over time using a series of eight-page gatherings, each from a single sheet.

It’s also important to remember that vellum was never cheap (and it took most of the fifteenth century for the price of paper to become anything less than a luxury item too). Hence even larger fold-out sheets would have not been immune from this financial pressure: so where possible, what remained of a vellum sheet after a foldout had been removed would typically have had to have been used as a bifolio.

The reason this is important is that where bifolios of a gathering were formed from a single sheet of vellum, they would all necessarily share the same DNA. And so this is where the science-y bit comes in.

Enter the DNA Dragon

Essentially, if you can take a DNA swab (and who in the world hasn’t now done this?) of each of the Voynich Manuscript’s bifolios, you should be able to match them together. There is then a very high probability that these matches would – in almost all cases – tell you what the original gatherings were.

The collection procedure appears – from this 2017 New Scientist article – to be painfully simple: identify the least handled (and text-free and paint-free) parts of each bifolio, and use a rubber eraser to take a small amount of DNA from the surface. Other researchers (most famously Timothy Stinson) are trying to build up horizontal macro-collections of medieval vellum DNA: but because the Voynich Manuscript is not (yet) readable, a micro-collection of the DNA in its bifolios would offer a very different analytical ‘turn’.

Though DNA has famously been used for many types of forensic analysis (there are entire television channels devoted to this), determining the original gathering order of an enciphered manuscript is not yet – as far as I know – one of them. But it could be!

Finally: once the gatherings have been matched, close examination (typically microscopic) to determine the hair / flesh side of each bifolio should help further reduce the possible number of facing permutations within each gathering. Remember, the normal practice throughout the history of vellum was that a folded gathering or quire will almost always end up in a flesh-facing-flesh and skin-facing-skin state.

Why is this Important?

As far as understanding the codicology of an otherwise unreadable document goes, DNA gathering matching would be hugely important: it would give clarity on the construction sequence of every single section of the Voynich Manuscript. This, in turn, would cast a revealing light on contentious issues of document construction and sectioning that have bedeviled researchers for years.

This would include not only the relationship of Herbal A bifolios to Herbal B bifolios (a debate going at least back to Prescott Currier), but also the more modern debates about Q13A vs Q13B, Q20A vs Q20B, and the relationship between Herbal A and the various Pharma A pages.

The biggest winners from reconstructing the manuscript’s alpha state would be researchers looking to find meaning and structure in the text. As it is, they’re trying to infer patterns from a document that appears to have been arbitrarily shuffled multiple times in its history. Along these lines, there’s a chance we might be able to use this to uncover a block-level match between a section and an external (unencrypted) text, which is something I have long proposed as a possible way in to the cipher system.

There is also a strong likelihood that folio numbers might well be encrypted (e.g. in the top line of text) – historically, many complicated cipher systems have been decrypted by first identifying their underlying number system, so this too is an entirely possible direct outcome of this kind of research. It would additionally make sense for anyone trying to understand the different scribal hands to be able to situate those contributions relative to the manuscript’s alpha state rather than to its final (omega) state.

In those few sections where we have already been able to reconstruct the manuscript’s alpha state (e.g. Q9), we have uncovered additional symmetries and patterns that were not obviously visible in the shuffled state. Imagine how much more we would be able to uncover if we could reconstruct the alpha state of the entire manuscript!

So… Why Haven’t You Done This Already, Nick?

I’ve been trying for years, really I have. And through that time this basic proposal has received a ton of negativity and push-back from otherwise smart people (who I think really should have known better).

But the times they are (always) a-changing, so maybe it’s now the right time for someone else completely to try knocking at broadly this same door. And if they do, perhaps they’ll find it already open and waiting for them. A moment’s thought should highlight that there’s certainly a great deal – in fact, an almost uniquely large amount – of new, basic stuff to be learnt about the Voynich Manuscript’s construction here.

Yet at the same I would caution that if you look at the list of proposed topic areas for the conference, this kind of physical analysis doesn’t really fit the organisers’ submission model at all. After first submitting a 1-2-page abstract by 30th June 2022, allowing only five weeks after acceptance (20th July 2022) to write a 5-9 page paper seems a bit hasty and superficial, as if the organisers aren’t actually expecting anybody to submit anything particularly worthwhile. But perhaps they have their specific reasons, what do I know?

(But then again, maybe you’d be best off phoning your aunt who works at the History Channel and get an in with a TV documentary-making company. If film-makers can squeeze nine series out of “The Curse of Oak Island”, you’d have thought they’d be all over this like a rash, right? Right?)

If Voynichese isn’t meaningless (and good luck to those who believe it is, that’s a fight you’ll have to fight without me), what language(s) is/are its plaintext written in?

Thinking about this recently, what struck me was how unsystematic (and unsatisfactory) most Voynich language presentations are. For example, discussions of Currier A and Currier B (the two major Voynichese language ‘styles’) typically seem to start too far along, by assuming what the relationship between A and B is before they even begin. So… how about we discuss what that relationship is, and what evidence we have?

Big questions about Currier A and Currier B

The specific differences between Currier A and B form a topic I’ve gone over many times, such as in this 2013 post and more recently in this 2019 post. And the idea that somehow the A ‘system’ evolved into/from the B ‘system’ is something that many researchers have discussed, e.g. Tim Rayhel [Glen Claston] had very strong views on this. Similarly, Rene Zandbergen has perhaps worked hardest to establish that there’s more of a technical spectrum between A and B. Rene has also noted that in some ways B seems to be a more verbose version of A: yet at the same time it is abundantly true that the two also behave in sharply different ways.

So I thought it might help to ask the most important questions about A and B in a more systematic way:

  • Did A precede B, or did B precede A?
  • Are A and B encoding/enciphering two different plaintext languages, or a single plaintext language?
  • Do A pages exhibit internal evolution? If so, can we order A pages according to that evolution?
  • Do B pages exhibit internal evolution? If so, can we order B pages according to that evolution?
  • Might the differences between groups of A pages simply be down to their different topics / contents?
  • Might the differences between groups of B pages simply be down to their different topics / contents?
  • Even though Q13 is Currier B, do language differences separate Q13A pages from Q13B pages?
  • Even though Q20 is Currier B, do language differences separate Q20A pages from Q20B pages?
  • If A and B encipher different languages, was the enciphering system designed primarily for A or for B?
  • If A and B encipher a single language, are all the differences just down to scribal choice?
  • In A and B pages, is there any way to tell whether or not the first letter of a line is real or fake?

To try to explore these difficult (yet fundamental) questions, I’ll now look at a couple of specific behaviours that sharply differ between A and B, to see what those differences seem to tell us about these questions.

The two different daiin behaviours

If you pick out a normal-looking A page (say, f21v, which has a small amount of text accompanying a herbal drawing), you’ll see not only lots of “daiin” instances (six on f21v, two of which are a “daiin daiin” adjacent pair), but also odaiin, chodaiin, todaiin, cholchaiin, sheaiin and kchochaiin. These -aiin instances are located all over the page, as you would expect of words in a normal text.

But if you then go to a normal-looking B page (say, f103v, which is far more text-heavy than f21v) we see eight instances of daiin, six of which are on the left-hand edge (and none of which is on the first line of a paragraph).

Personally, I find these two different behaviours (one text-like, the other LAAFU-like) very hard to reconcile with the oft-floated idea that A and B are two sides of a single coin. This B-behaviour seems to imply that “aiin” (which, as Currier pointed out, is a common B word) is being modified with a “d-” line-initial prefix on B pages, thus making “daiin” an even rarer word in B pages than it might at first appear.

Or maybe there’s some other exotic LAAFU explanation I haven’t yet grasped here. (But I don’t think so.)

The two different -ed- behaviours

Rene Zandbergen’s observation that -ed- is rare in A pages (particularly Herbal A pages) but extremely common in B pages is also very hard to square with the idea that A and B are basically the same thing. I’d certainly agree that in early Herbal A pages, the two instances in the Takahashi transcription (f8r and f11r) both seem like scribal errors in the original rather than systematic -ed- examples.

Things get a little more complicated as you look further in to other A pages: f27v, f51r and f52r look like they have genuine -ed- instances (though the one on f56r looks like to me a scribal slip), while f65v has four -ed- instances. The astronomy section (A) has many more -ed- instances, as does the zodiac section (A), though the pharma section (A) is closer to the density of the Herbal A section.

So, if you were to use the ed-density to try to trace out the evolution of the A pages, I suspect you’d probably conclude that the order they were constructed in was: Herbal A, Pharma A, Astro A, Zodiac A. And then you’d probably conclude that the B pages (which have extraordinarily heavy ed-density throughout) were written after the A pages.

Evolution of a system

To my eyes, the changing way that -ed- appears in the A pages suggests that what we are glimpsing here is the evolution of a system, where new features are gradually introduced and diffused into practice. I further believe that this also implies the A pages were constructed before the B pages. Yet the huge step change in -ed- usage between A and B pages suggests to me that something quite different is going on in B pages.

Similarly, the vastly different ways that daiin appears in A and B pages (position-independent in A, position-dependent in B) also suggests to me that something very different is going on in B pages.

So, what is going on in B pages? Though this margin is far too small for me to come to a definitive conclusion, it currently seems to me to be in some way a combination of things. While the system itself definitely seems to have step-changed from A to B (which I think the daiin A/B behaviour argues for), I can’t yet rule out the possibility that this change in system may well have been driven by a change in plaintext language in B pages.

If you know of any Voynichese behaviours that you think help to illuminate, illustrate, or answer any questions on the list above, please leave a comment below, thanks!

And yes, you have me to blame for it.

So here goes…

It all starts in Frascati…

Today’s story begins in the Voynich Centenary Conference back in 2012, with – as I recall – a bunch of Voynicheros crowding around my Jean-Claude Gawsewitch Voynich Manuscript photo-facsimile. With the pages turned to some of the Q13A (medical) pages, Rene Zandbergen remarked that some of the pictures there looked eerily like slightly-disguised medical drawings.

The two diagrams I specifically remember Rene mentioning that day were (a) the “intestines” one:

Voynich Manuscript f77v (right)

And… (b) well, this piece of the male anatomy (which nobody can deny has a tube running through it):

Voynich Manuscript f77v (left)

Rene himself didn’t claim to have been the first to point out these similarities, but rather said that he had heard them mentioned many years before. As normal, a diligent trawl of the old Voynich mailing list archives would probably reveal more lineage (but it’s not hugely important for the purposes of this post).

Also, as I’m sure many (if not most) Cipher Mysteries readers know, countless Voynich theories have been constructed around the notion that Q13 (Quire 13) has some kind of connection with the female reproductive system, in particular this gloriously mad drawing, with all its oddly misplaced frilly wolkenbanden:

Voynich Manuscript f77v (top)

A few pages further on, there’s also a curious pulsating blue brain thing (I have no idea what this means, and I don’t know if anyone has yet looked for visual parallels for it in 15th century manuscripts, perhaps it’s the kind of thing Koen Gheuens would like to take a stab at?):

Voynich Manuscript f83r

But you mentioned “testicles”, right?

I did. And so (at last) here’s the specific Voynich image from Q13 that I’m wondering about.

Voynich Manuscript f83v

Putting aside the whole ‘nymph’ issue to one side, what – you might reasonably ask – has got into me to wonder if this specific veiled drawing somehow represents a gigantic pair of testicles?

Benedetto Reguardati

A few posts back, I gave a list of authors who wrote small works on thermal baths in the first half (or so) of the fifteenth century. One of those authors was Benedetto Reguardati, a doctor who spent many years attending to the newly-installed Sforza Duke’s family in Milan (and environs).

He wrote a number of small treatises, including a pharmacopoeia that can be found in Firenze, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS Ricc. 818. This commences (on fol. 2r) with:

Emplastrum optimum ad inflationem testiculorum…

i.e. “the best plaster [normally a paste or salve applied to the skin on a piece of linen or leather] for swollen testicles…

Sadly, I don’t have access to a transcript of Reguardati’s pharmacopeia (merely its incipit), so don’t know how this continues. Obviously this would be a prime research target for anyone who wants to chase after 15th century recipes for enlarged testicles.

Medieval Writings on Testicles

(By which I don’t actually mean tattoos.)

Though I haven’t yet stumbled upon a literature specifically covering medieval recipes for testicular complaints, it would perhaps be unwise to assume such a niche thing doesn’t exist. Even a fairly cursory search revealed that most testicle-related medical mishaps and scenarios were written about in the Middle Ages.

For example, Arnald of Villanova wrote about testicular hernias; Thorndike (1936) mentions a medical “Experimenta” found in “fols. gr, col. i-gv, col. 2 (older numbering, 1-7) of Vatic. Palat. lat. 1174, a vellum ms of the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century with alternating red and blue initials“, that has a section name “Ad tumorem testiculorum”. Similarly, Simon of Genoa discussed testicular abscesses in his medical dictionary.

John Bradmore also included several brief sections on testicular complaints in his “Philomena” (see Lang 1998):

  • 70v 40 de Apostematibus Testiculorum
  • 71r 41 de Apostemate hernia Aquosa testiculorum
  • 72r 42 de Apostemate hernia ventosa testiculorum
  • 73r 43 de (Apostemate) hernia Carnosa et varicosa testiculorum
  • 73r 44 De Apostemate hernia humorali testiculorum

Also: p.196 of this book mentions Bodleian MS Selden B35 (circa 1465) as listing “Ydicelidos” = “i. habens testiculos inflatos”, with a footnote mentioning Simon of Genoa’s “Clavis Sanationis”: “Hydrocelici vel ut grecus ydrokilis, dicuntur qui aquam habent circa testiculos in oscum”.

So I think it should hardly be a surprise to find Reguardati writing about salves for swollen testicles. But it turns out that he was far from the only one.

Medieval Swollen Testicles

However, what did surprise me was that I was able to find a good number of different medieval recipes for swollen testicles.

Egritudines Tocius Corporis, written by a physician names Copho in the second half of the 11th century, includes the following section:

De inflatione testiculorum — Ad inflationem testiculorum sine materia, interiora labarum trita optime coquas, et ut comeduntur calida superponus; vel, quod melius est, galbanum in vino coque et cola et in colatura spongiam marinam diu bullias et superponas; vel ebuli seu sambuci summitates diu in vino bullias, et postea cum axungia teras, et hoc totum super testiculos ponas. Si autem maxima duricia sit in testiculis duas pelliculas incide et in tercia stamina pone, et tam diu teneat durice materia que duriciem operatur recedut.

According to Monica H. Green, four versions of the Trotula include an extra section “Ad inflatione testiculorum”:

  • 34: Harley 3407
  • 70: Digby 29
  • 74: Wood empt. 15 (SC 8603)
  • 80: New College, 171

I don’t have access to the full text of this section, but it begins:

Ad testiculos inflatos fomentum, accipe maluam, absinthium, uerbenam, bismaluam, cassillaginem, arthimesiam, caules.

13th century Portuguese physician Pedro Hispano’s (Petrus Hispanus) Liber de conservanda sanitate (book by Maria Helena da Rocha Pereira (1973), p.233) has a Chapter XXXV, “De inflatione testium”:

  1. Si testes inflentur, farina fabarum distemperata cum suco ebuli et oleo communi statim inflationem soluit. Dyascorides.
  2. Item idem faciunt folia ebuli uel parietarie torrefacta.
  3. Item idem faciunt folia ebuli et sambuci. Hoc ego.
  4. Item fimus caprinus cum uino solutus omnem tumerm soluit, Kyrannus.
  5. Item folia et semen iusquiama trita cum uino et emplastrata omnem tumorem soluit. Macer.
  6. Item betonica trita et cocta in uino et apposita dolorem et tumorem aufert testiculorum. Dyascorides.

(Note that da Rocha Pereira also includes a quite different version of that same basic chapter in a footnote.)

From Guillem de Béziers (fl. ~1300), we have another recipe “Contra inflationem testiculorum” (on. p.27):

Item. Contra inflationem testiculorum. Fiat primo subfumigium de aqua calida ad apertionem pororum et postea immittatur agrippa, deinde fiat emplastrum de fimo caprino et sepo arietino et thure, et ad ulti[mu]m minutionem vene sophene fac aperire interiori et sic multi curati sunt.

Three Receptaria from Medieval England” (Hunt & Benskin) includes a couple of items:

  • p.26: [207]: Uncore ad inflacionem testiculorum: Recipe malvam, artemisiam, jusquiamum, et caules veteres. Et si non potes habere hec omnia, accipoantur absinthium et malve tantum, et decoquantur et in illa decoctione epithimentur testiculi.
  • p.27: [210]: Item paritoria frixa in patella et testiculis superposita removet inflationem testiculorum.

Thoughts, Nick?

Books on baths and medicine were often bound together, so suggesting that the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13 might well contain both balneological and medical bifolios should cause no great tremors. And indeed the bifolios do – as Glen Claston pointed out many years ago – seem to be thematically divided between balneo and medical (in some way).

If you accept this is right, then the idea that a late medieval medical book like this might contain a short section on swollen testicles is surely not a huge stretch, given the number of different sources listed above that contain recipes or treatments for the same.

Might one of these recipes – or something very much like them – be the plaintext for some of the text on f83v? It’s a pretty good challenge, and definitely not a load of balls. 😉

I’ve just found a very intriguing reference to Anthony Petti’s (1977) book “English literary hands from Chaucer to Dryden” (a copy of which which I have of course ordered, and which I hope will arrive within the next month).

It was mentioned by Isabel De la Cruz-Cabanillas and Irene Diego-Rodríguez of the University of Alcalá in their (2018) “Abbreviations in Medieval Medical Manuscripts”, downloadable via Researchgate. They rely mainly on Petti (1977) pp. 22-25 for their functional description of how abbreviation works in manuscripts: so yes, it is indeed true that I have once again blown £40+ of my book budget on four measly pages. (Possibly even just one.)

Note that they also cite:

  • Hector (1958) “The Handwriting of English Documents“, pp. 28–38
  • Denholm-Young (1964) “Handwriting in England and Wales” pp. 64–70
  • Brown (1993) “A Guide to Western Historical Scripts from Antiquity to 1600“, p. 5
  • Preston & Yeandle (1999) “English Handwriting 1400–1650. An Introductory Manual“, pp. ix–x
  • Clemens & Graham (2007) “Introduction to Manuscript Studies“, pp. 89–93

Michelle Brown’s book I already have here (somewhere, *sigh*), so I’m pretty sure I’ve already seen her page 5. But the obvious reason I haven’t looked at the rest (bar Ray Clemens’ book) is that they talk specifically about English manuscripts, which is something that I’ve never particularly considered in the context of the Voynich Manuscript.

So: why might a Voynich researcher suddenly be so interested in English manuscripts?

“How to deal with this pompous loop?”

Basically, what Cruz-Cabanillas & Diego-Rodríguez are talking about is 15th century English scribal abbreviation mechanisms: but in terms of those mechanisms’ “Marvel origin stories”, these were – for the most part – Latin scribal mechanisms which English scribes had appropriated for abbreviating English.

In C-C & D-R’s section on contractions (p.170), they mention the macron-like suspension mark used (very widely) to indicate that letters have been removed (usually a nasal ‘m’ or ‘n’). However, they also describe a very specific stroke I hadn’t heard specifically mentioned before:

The usual form to mark the omission is a bar, but Petti (1977: 22) mentions an older variant, “though still in use in the late 15th century, was a crescent-shape, often with a dot below”.

That’s interesting in itself: but it’s immediately followed by something even more interesting:

When the abbreviation takes place at the end of a word, “in cursive hands there was a practice of making either the bar or the apostrophe part of the upward curve on the final stroke of a letter” (Petti 1977: 22) When the word ends in <n> this poses the problem whether the mark above the final letter is to be extended or it is just an otiose stroke. This happens very often with words containing the suffix in <-ion>, such as decoccion in Hunter 328. Here the editor must decide whether the stroke going up and backwards is a decorative flourish or should be expanded.

They continue their high-speed summary of Petti’s discussion in their section on “Curtailments and suspensions” that appears next (p.171):

Often final <n>, as it happened in the case of suffix <-ion> above, may show a bar on top of it or a kind of pompous stroke going up and backwards. It is always troublesome how to deal with this pompous loop. Alonso-Almeida (2014: 98), in the case of Present-day English gallon in Hunter 185 f. 51r, interpreted it as galoun. Nevertheless, some other editors, when the final stroke parts from the line level of letter may consider it an otiose stroke and the word would be rendered as galon instead.

Other examples of this “pompous stroke” noted by Cruz-Cabanillas & Diego-Rodríguez are:

  • Harley 2378, f7r, “Saturn[e]” – see Means (1993: 246)
  • Additional 12195, f187v, “mon[e]” – see Taavistainen et al (2005)

What are you thinking about here, Nick?

Plainly, the reason I’m so interested here is that Petti (via C-C & D-R) seems to be flagging exactly the kind of 15th century scribal abbreviation mechanism I’ve been searching for over the last 15 years or so, that other sources had talked about (but just not in a specific enough way to be helpful).

If you look at the glyphs that appear in the Voynich Manuscript, I’d argue that there’s something of the opportunistic jackdaw about their choice. For instance, EVA’s choice of letter-shapes notwithstanding, the EVA n on the end of the “aiin” group looks more like the v in “aiiv”: which I think matches up with the (fairly common) “aiir” group we also see to provide a visually striking “a ii r[ecto]” and “a ii v[erso]” pair.

Similarly, I’ve long believed that the “4o” pair (EVA qo) was almost certainly a pre-existing (late 14th century) letter pair appropriated by the Voynichese alphabet designer in order to solve some kind of writing/ciphering problem (because we see exactly the same 4o pair appearing in multiple cipher keys from around Northern Italy from this period.)

So: what I’m now wondering is whether the scribal loop we see at the end of “aiiv” group going upwards and backwards may well be a Voynichese appropriation of the same abbreviating pompous loop that Petti is describing.

Incidentally, the earliest examples of similar scribal ‘tics’ that I’ve seen are in some documents from Rome dating to the early 1450s that I found in a palaeographic source book at the BL. But even there I’m 90% sure that those would be characterised as “otiose loops” rather than “pompous loops”.

Where next from here?

The list of manuscripts that Cruz-Cabanillas & Diego-Rodríguez specifically mention as having pompous loops are:

  • Glasgow, University Library, MS Hunter 185 – early 15th century (book of recipes etc)
  • Glasgow, University Library, MS Hunter 328 – late 15th century
  • British Library, Harley MS 2378 – mid 15th century
  • British Library, Additional MS 12195 – around 1477 (“A great part of this volume would appear to have been written by John Leke, of Northcreyke, in Norfolk, in the reign of Edward the Fourth”, saith the BL)

Unsurprisingly, the kind of things I now want to know are:

  • What exactly did Petti say about this pompous loop?
  • Where can I see examples of this pompous loop?
  • Are there pompous loops in other languages / countries?
  • Do palaeographers writing in other languages have their own names for this pompous loop?
  • etc

But rather than overload this post yet further, I’ll continue this discussion in a follow-on post…

My last post discussed the various copies of Antonio Guayneri’s De Balneis still extant: since then, I have (with the kind help of Stefano Guidoni) managed to get phone scans of MS Torino 1200 (with the shelfmark H.II.16). I also found a nice site with solid information about Guayneri, including his epitaph from the Church of San Michele in Pavia, where he and his wife were buried:

Hippocrates medicae basis Galienus et Isach
Et quod Avicenna scivit humatur ibi
Haec est Antonius Guaynerius abditus arca
Philosophus medicae maximus artis honor
Famaque qua celebris par sibi nullus erat
Par sibi sola fuit veritate et nomine coniux
Antonia ut thalami sic tumulique comes
Hos Deus ad coelos exutos corpore traxit
Ne superis tantus abesset honor

Anyway, once I was able to see that the various versions of Guayneri’s text were broadly the same as each other (i.e. with only moderate differences), I transcribed the easiest one to read – which was the one that appears in the 1553 Giunta Venetian print edition – and placed my transcription on the Cipher Foundation site.

Naturally, this is where I started trying to make a breezy (i.e. Thorndike-style) translation of Guayneri’s five chapters, with the help of online translators and my schoolboy Latin: but given that I’m not in any way a full-on Latinist, a lot sits well beyond my abilities. 🙁

Rough Summary of Guayneri’s Five Chapters

Nonetheless, here’s a rough outline of the stuff I could make out:

  • Chapter 1 is a load of wretched pseudo-historical patron-facing waffle. (Sorry, but it is.)
  • Chapter 2 talks (after more waffle) about how the virtues of the waters change in May from limpid to green. This is like a lake in Macedonia that was reported by Pliny to change its virtues around the heliacal rising of Sirius (i.e. August-ish);
  • Chapter 3 talks about how the Marquis of Mantua’s numerous medical conditions were sorted out by going to the baths, and how good the baths are for gout, gammy knees, swellings, and even for a paralyzed hand. There’s a fountain in the corner of a stone wall that enabled people to have a shower: this shower even cured one man of his tinnitus. Oh, and it’s good for catarrh, asthma, colic, constipation. Oh, and it also helps urinary problems, kidney stones, menstruation, and with conception. Oh, and it’s also good for long-standing headaches, paralysis, convulsions, trembling, lethargy, colds, loss of smell, loss of taste, gum softening, chronic coughs, asthma, stomach problems, dropsy, worms, sciatica, gout, and skin infections.
  • Chapter 4 is just too tangled and difficult for me to make out, sorry. 🙁
  • Chapter 5 includes some abbreviated recipes for remedies, which are also way beyond my school Latin: “Vel facias fic. recip. ol ei myrti.olei masti. ann drach.j pulueris myrtillorum: cypres. bistor. masti. terrae sigil. ana. scrup.ij ceraeparum: & fiat vnguentum.“, for example, and “Vel facias sic. recip. vnguenti al. Gal. vnc.ij.camphorae & hoc vbi magna affuerit flamma. drach. ij. sanda. ru. spodij ro. ann vnc. 5. incorporentur simul parum aceti commiscendo : & hepati vnctio fiat.“, as well as the much fruitier” Syrupi item aceto. drach.ij.vel de ribes, de succo acetosae de acetositate citri : de lymonibus, de agresta, vel consimilis cum.drach.iij.aquae endi exhibere in aurora multum confert” It also describes how to make and administer clysters effectively. The author once again reminds you that you should go to these baths in May when their powers are at their strongest.

Thoughts, Nick?

Well, even if Chapter 4’s Latin is a bit too messy for me to properly summarise, I think it’s overall pretty clear that even though this is an interesting first-half-of-the-fifteenth-century balneological text, the chances of a structural mapping between it and the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13B section seem painfully close to zero. So I think we can probably rule this out as a 15th century source text. (There are several more I’ll be moving onto, this was only the first one on my list.)

At the same time, I will be unsurprised if the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13B turns out to have a broadly similar mix of balneology, patron-facing bumf, and annoyingly abbreviated recipes. So it certainly feels like I’m knocking on the right kind of door here, even if nobody was home on this particular occasion.

Triolets, Rondeaux, and Christine de Pisan

As an aside, Byron Deveson recently suggested in a comment here that the poem-like section in Q13 might possibly be a triolet, a (roughly-eight-line) repetitive poem form from the late Middle Ages.

A quick search revealed that it wasn’t technically called a triolet until nearer the end of the 15th century: and that before that it was a format only used for French language poems, and better known as a “rondel”.

Perhaps the most famous rondel poet was Christine de Pisan: though born in the Republic of Venice, she ended up in France with her father (who was an astrologer for Charles VI). She became a full-time French-language poet, often adapting the rondel’s 7-line or 8-line format to suit the needs of the poem at hand:

Dure chose est a soustenir
Quant cuer pleure et la bouche chante;
Et de faire dueil se tenir
Dure chose est a soustenir.
Faire le fault qui soustenir.
Veult honneur qui mesdisans hante,
Dure chose est a soustenir

(Translated rather nicely as)

Life’s a bitch, moving on with things,
Crying heart, with the songs so haunting,
Seeking help in what mourning brings.
Life’s a bitch, moving on with things.
Meeting needs, working hard, moody swings,
Honor’s mine, though the gossip’s daunting.
Life’s a bitch, moving on with things

Might this be what we see in the Voynich? Possibly, but it would (a) require the plaintext to be French, and (b) require a complicated enciphering system that was able to encipher the same plaintext in multiple quite different ways.

It’s perhaps (as I suggested a couple of years ago) more likely to be the poem by Claudian (370AD-404AD) (“Fons, Antenoreae vitam qui porrigis urbi, / Fataque vicinis noxia pellis aquis“) quoted by Ioannis et Iacobi de Dondis Patavinorum in their balneological work (also in Giunta). There, the first section runs like this:

Fons, Antenoreae vitam qui porrigis urbi
fataque vicinis noxia pellis aquis,
cum tua vel mutis tribuant miracula vocem,
cum tibi plebeius carmina dictet honos
et sit nulla manus, cuius non pollice ductae
testentur memores prospera vota notae:
nonne reus Musis pariter Nymphisque tenebor,
si tacitus soli praetereare mihi?
ludibrium quid enim fas est a vate relinqui
hunc qui tot populis pervolat ora locum?

Which the Loeb Classics translate as:

Fount that prolongest life for the dwellers in Antenor’s city, banishing by thy neighbouring waters all harmful fates, seeing that thy marvels stir utterance even in the dumb, that a people’s love bids poets to honour thee in song, and that there is no hand whose fingers have not traced for thee some lines in thankful witness of prayers granted, shall I not be held guilty alike by the Muses and the Nymphs if I alone sing not thy praises? How can a spot whose fame is on so many lips rightly be passed over by me in slighting silence?

Still, a fair few fifteenth century balneological texts to go yet…