I’ve mentioned Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc on Cipher Mysteries in the past, though mostly in connection with his extensive “Republic of Letters” correspondence, thought to contain somewhere between 10,000 and 14,000 letters. This was because, around 2008, I spent some time wondering whether there might be (hitherto unnoticed) mentions of the Voynich Manuscript in European scientific correspondence networks. A recent email from Diane O’Donovan brought Peiresc back to the front of my mind.

As far as the timing of the Voynich Manuscript’s possible (but sadly not yet certain) sale to Emperor Rudolf II, I’ve long felt it must have happened after 1600 (because there was no mention in Thaddaeus Hagecius ab Hayek’s letters), before 1612 (when Rudolf died), and probably before 1610 (roughly when Rudolf’s brother Matthias took control). If I had to pick a single year, I’d pick 1609, but that’s ultimately no more than an educated guess (yes, the same one that once hurled me down a Rosicrucian rabbit-hole).

Peiresc was a very early telescope owner (in 1610), and probably the first to observe the Orion Nebula (though he didn’t actually stake a claim to this discovery at the time): so was certainly active at the right sort of time. There’s an accessible description of Peiresc’s astronomical activities in Seymour L. Chapin’s “The Astronomical Activities of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc”, Isis, Vol. 48, No. 1 (Mar., 1957), pp. 13-29, (on JSTOR), through which we can see his wide scientific-minded range of astronomical interests, such as tracking the Jovian moons, producing a detailed engraving of the Moon’s surface, and in using eclipses to determine longitudinal differences.

Peiresc’s Letters

As Hatch points out, Peiresc’s letters are strongly centred on a small number of key correspondents in Paris and Rome: and so its 10,000+ corpus size is perhaps a little bit flattering as to the broader range of his correspondents. Yet he plainly did correspond with astronomers (later in life, he stood up very strongly for Galileo, for example), and so it is far from impossible that there might well be a passing mention of the Voynich Manuscript there.

Unfortunately, I have yet to find an online list of Peiresc’s correspondents (I did see a somewhat unhelpful map that vaguely implied that some were in Prague, or at least Bohemia), so unfortunately I can’t easily compile a list of Peiresc’s astronomy-related letters, as I had initially hoped to do. (Indeed, the intersection of ‘astronomy’ & ‘Prague’ would probably yield a very short list of letters to examine).

Note that Hatch’s chapter “Peiresc As Correspondent: The Republic of Letters & the “Geography of Ideas“” (in Science Unbound, Chapter 2, ed. B. Dolan, Umeå, 1998) seems like it could be promising in this regard, but I haven’t yet seen it.

Peiresc’s Papers

Yet Peiresc had another legacy: his papers. Though he published almost nothing in his lifetime, he constantly made notes on everything he heard and read: and these papers comprised around 60,000 pages at his death, which Gassendi then assiduously ground his way through for two years (to write Peiresc’s biography).

Yet it seems to me that articles on Peiresc tend to be written by people who have carefully selected an achievable thematic subset (e.g. Rubens, astronomy, etc) of his letters to work with (though I don’t believe that his letters have all been published yet) – almost none seems to be informed by his papers.

Might there be some Voynich Manuscript mention in Peiresc’s papers? I don’t know how well these have been indexed (has there ever been an index?), and this post is merely a brief research note – so please let me know if you have a good (probably French!) source describing the contents of Peiresc’s papers!

Nick Redfern’s provocative and interesting Roswell book “Body Snatchers in the Desert” (2005) starts with a chapter outlining a conversation he had with a lady (born 1922): while working at Oak Ridge in 1947, she claimed to have seen the ‘aliens’ found at Roswell. However, she said, these were not extra-terrestrials, but were instead Chinese or Japanese people suffering from disabling genetic conditions (e.g. progeria) being used as US military test subjects.

It’s a great story, one that Redfern gamely grapples with throughout his book (and indeed its sequel): but did he actually manage to land any evidential punches linking Roswell to Oak Ridge? Is there any documentary evidence linking the two, even indirectly?

I decided to have a look in NARA…

“The Secret City of Oak Ridge”

The scientific history of Oak Ridge (“The City Behind The Fence”) began with the Manhattan Project, which carried out the research and engineering to build the first atomic bomb. This required the construction of three immense technical facilities:

  • “K-25” was a gaseous diffusion plant (“covering a larger area than any structure ever built up to that time”, p.2) operated by 12,000 workers.
  • “Y-12” separated Uranium-235 from Uranium-238, and had 22,000 workers.
  • “X-10” was a graphite reactor plant, located roughly 10 miles from Y-12.

Founded in 1943, this huge complex was initially called Clinton Laboratories, but was renamed in 1948 to (the now much more familiar) Oak Ridge National Laboratories, by the site’s postwar owners, the Atomic Energy Commission. (AKA “the old A.E.C.” from Tom Lehrer’s “The Wild West Is Where I Want To Be”.)

With all that as background, we can fast-forward to the (2012) NARA document, “Atomic Energy Commission and the Secret City of Oak Ridge“. This lists some of the document sets relating to Oak Ridge in Record Group 326 (mostly at or just below the box level), and mainly covers the period 1943-1946.

The bulk of the records are in the 182 boxes contained in “Series 8505 Formerly Classified Correspondence Files” (ARC number 1518690), which (annoyingly) I haven’t yet found in NARA itself. 🙁 Do any of the descriptions suggest a link with Roswell? Certainly, it would be hard not to notice that Box 104 contains (though without explanation):

List of personnel with clearance, Roswell, New Mexico, 1947

Similarly, Box 130 implies that there was some sustained correspondence between Clinton Laboratories and the Navy’s BuAer (and I’d certainly like to know who was involved at both ends):

Bureau of aeronautics correspondence, 1943-46

The monthly reports in Box 142 might be useful in looking for possible biological / biophysical projects being run at Clinton:

Monthly reports from research division, 1945-47

My understanding is that Monsanto had employees working at Clinton, so it should be no surprise that Box 62 contains:

Technical reports for Monsanto, July 1946

The Archival Limits?

Most of the records listed in the “Secret City” document seem to run no further than 1946, with just a small handful running into 1947. Hence I suspect that the files documented in “Secret City” don’t fully reflect the overall range of Oak Ridge files: perhaps it only reflects the ones held at NARA Atlanta?

More broadly, there are plenty of other record sets in RG326 that could be looked at, such as medical test records: it would take a much deeper trawl to map out these archives in an even remotely satisfactory way. So this is as far as it goes for now… 🙁

Thanks to a response I received from Jason Atkinson at History Hub, I’ve managed to find Project Mogul R&D files at NARA – though these aren’t (yet) online, they do at least exist, which is a good starting point.

Oh, and I thought I’d include a quick log here of the other NARA files I’ve managed to find. Feel free to ignore this, it’s mainly for my own benefit. 😉

For Bureau of Aeronautics records (Record Group 72), I also found its LTA (Lighter-Than-Air) file (1916 – 1945), containing records that “were collected by a variety of individuals and organizations, including Charles P. Burgess, an expert in airship design within the Lighter Than Air Design Branch“. The downside is that it is “78 linear feet, 7 linear inches” long (comprising “63 Letter Archives Box, Standard; 70 Legal Archives Box, Standard; 2 Custom Box A1”).

I also found a file for “Balloons, Darex Sounding” – I was looking for this because David DeVorkin (p.286) mentions “the modified Dewey and Almy Darex J-2000 and Darex J-1100 balloon production samples”, which were being tested in 1947.

There’s also “Balloon Envelopes” in RG 342 (no additional information given, but it’s one of the R&D topics I’m specifically interested in).

Project Helios (which was run by NATEC at Lakehurst) has a list online of changes to project personnel from 3rd May 1947 to 2nd July 1947. This starts with Robert E. Bass, and then adds [name, id, rating]:

  • BASTEDO Raymond W – 513 24 90 – AR1
  • BLANCHARD Earl H – 206 25 96 – AERM1
  • CLARK John E Jr – 250 56 41 – AR3
  • COVELLA Robert L – 798 21 68 – AERM3
  • EWING Jerry D – 224 77 19 – AERM3
  • GLICKMAN William F – 238 80 71 – AR2
  • HART Francis J – 201 62 62 AR3
  • IAIN Sebastian (n) – 382 80 61 – AR1
  • MAC MILLIAN Henry J – 224 49 51 – CAR
  • WODZIENSKI Edward (n) – 202 56 04 – AMM1

All certified correct by W. A. Cockell, Capt, USN

Then 25 Aug 1947:

  • CHAMBLISS Herbert – P26657599 – CETM
  • BASS Robt E – 2742805 – CAERM

(Both moved to Ottumwa, Iowa)

Project Helios disestablished: Auth ChNavRes cer 12523 dated 23 May 1947 and suPers ltr.
Pers 21452-jah ser 16719 dated 25 June 1947.

Certified to be correct: W. A. Cockell, Capt. USN (11 Jul 1947)

There’s also this Project Helios record: A15-2 Project Helios SP Event. (I have no idea what this is, alas).

As far as Fort Dix goes, I found some files in RG 342 (though I don’t hold out a lot of hope for these):

Trying to work out what happened to Dorothy Jean “Doff” Webb (nee Robertson), I was told a few weeks back that after getting divorced (in absentia) from Carl Webb, Doff’s subsequent partner was Kevin D’Arcy. However, even though I can see that a Kevin Alexander D’Arcy is included in various private family trees online, nobody has so far written down much about him.

So here’s my attempt to put that (at least partially) right.

Kevin Alexander D’Arcy Family Tree

I started with some of the information suggested by commenter Belinda here. It didn’t take too long to find William “Billy” D’Arcy (b. 1893 Ballarat, died 1987 Bacchus Marsh) and his wife Florence (“Flora”) Jane D’Arcy (nee McKay) (b. 1899 Warrion, died 1986 Bacchus Marsh) and their son Kevin Alexander D’Arcy (b. 4 May 1923 Melbourne, d. 21 May 1991, “Rtd Taxation Officer” in the probate record).

In the electoral rolls, we can see Kevin’s parents living in Bacchus Marsh (1949, 1954, 1958, 1963, 1967, 1972, 1977, 1980), with Kevin appearing on the rolls only in 1977 and 1980. There’s also a James Allen D’Arcy (“valuer”) who appears there in the 1960s. One family tree asserts that they had five children (but no names, no evidence).

Kevin Alexander D’Arcy Military Records

What I found interesting was that Private Kevin Alexander D’Arcy (clerk, single, enlisted 1943, VX142120, 37/52 Australian Infantry Battalion, discharged 27 Aug 1946, 5ft 5in, blue eyes, medium complexion, light brown hair, no marks or scars) was marked up as living in Boort, Victoria in 1943 with his father W. D’Arcy.

Note that the correspondence in the file lists various other addresses:

  • 1946, 3 Kembla St, Hawthorn
  • 1953: 62 Coppin St, Richmond
  • 1971: 49 Keith St, Alphington 3078

Could it be that the mention of “Bute” was merely ‘Chinese Whispers’, and the place we should have been looking at was actually Boort, waaaay inland in Victoria, near Lake Boort, in the vaguely Tolkienesque shire of Loddon? What on earth has ever happened in Boort? I mean, I’m every bit as big a fan of “gourmet green tomatoes” (apparently Boort’s most famous product) as the next man (…if the next man doesn’t happen to like them very much).

And indeed, if you look at the electoral rolls for Boort in 1942, you see William “Darey” (public servant) and Flora Jane “Darey” (i.e. both misspelled!), S.R.W.S. Res., Holloway St, Boort. (But they’re in neither the 1937 nor 1949 electoral rolls for Boort.) So this whole sequence does seem to be basically correct.

But what about prior to 1943? If you search Trove for “Billy D’Arcy”, you’ll find (ignoring the lightweight boxer of the same name!) a 03 Sep 1932 Bacchus Marsh Express column called “Melton As Coursing Centre”, which mentions Billy D’Arcy.

If you further search the two Bacchus Marsh papers in Trove for “D’Arcy”, you’ll see a 28 Feb 1953 engagement of Doreen Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Mr & Mrs W. D’Arcy of Maddingley, to Andrew Connell. There’s also the 1952 marriage of Joan D’Arcy (younger daughter of Mr & Mrs W. D’Arcy) to Mr Raymond Marett.

When in October 1951 Carl Webb’s wife filed a divorce petition (apparently not knowing of his 1948 demise on/near Somerton Beach), it listed Webb’s address as “formerly of Bromby-street, South Yarra, but now of parts unknown”. The 1942 electoral rolls then helped us narrow this to 63 Bromby Street, with small ads in The Argus narrowing it further to Flat 2, 63 Bromby Street.

So now let’s take a trip baaaack in tiiiime (cue wavy transition)…

Maps of Bromby Street

Here’s the relevant section of an 1895 Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works detail map (courtesy of the State Library of Victoria), showing the tramway engine house on the left that became Kellow House, with #63 three doors down to the East (there is no #65, or #69), with a R[ight] of W[ay] down the laneway:

In this section of Map 39 from Morgan’s 1951 Street Directory, courtesy of the State Library of Victoria, the road layout hasn’t changed at all (I couldn’t find the 897 detail map of the 1948 MMBW set, bah):

Here’s the same area in Google Maps today (the Royce Hotel on the left is the former Kellow House, the Kellow Falkiner car showroom built in 1928):

Photos of Bromby Street

A few days ago, Cipher Mysteries commenter (and Melburnian) Jo headed over to Bromby Street to have a snoop around. Jo’s first photograph was taken looking down Bromby Street, where #63 is the white building on the left hand side further down the street:

The next photo shows Melbourne Grammar School (which was taken over by American forces during WWII) as viewed from the laneway beside #63:

This photo shows #63 (and the laneway going to the back) as viewed from the Melbourne Grammar side of the road:

Finally, here’s a picture of the front of Kellow House (the former car showroom that was taken over by RAAF signals during the war):

Even though I’ve covered Project Helios’ fall to Earth [sorry!] in previous posts (much supported by David DeVorkin’s detailed account in “Race to the Stratosphere”), because of its close links to Project Mogul there are also external mentions of Helios in (for example) Albert Crary’s journal.

Recapping: even though Project Helios’ maiden manned balloon flight to the stratosphere was planned for the 21st June 1947 (the summer solstice), the overall administration of the project collapsed during the Spring, before finally being canned in May 1947. Part of the challenge was that Helios was intended to be a military-scientific platform, and the collaborating groups (who hoped to run their experiments on Helios) all had different practical needs and political priorities.

In this post, I’ll try to look at Project Helios through a Project Mogul lens (if that makes sense).

Project Mogul

Project Mogul, a top secret Army-funded project to put devices high up in the atmosphere to listen for the sound of Russian atomic tests, was one of these collaborating parties: and, as of February 1947, was still expecting Helios to run. And so we see Crary’s journal entry for 4-5-6 Feb 1947 in Oakhurst:

Went over possible experiments in ‘Helios’ balloon June with [Dr Jim] Peoples.

The NYU team’s “Technical Report No. 1” (Appendix 13 in the Roswell Report) mentions that Project Mogul moved from serial balloon linkage (which gave balloon chains taller than the Seattle Space Needle) to the Project Helios parallel cluster (introduced by Jean Piccard, though not actually invented by him):

Figures 31 and 36 show the two methods used to group the balloons in clusters. Figure 31 shows the linear array borrowed from cosmic ray flight techniques; figure 36 shows the modified “Helios Cluster” in which lines from the balloons are joined at a central ring at the top of the load line.

The Helios cluster was by far the easier to handle because of the simpler rigging and the reduced launching strains.

Figure 36 shows the Helios cluster arrangement the Mogul team introduced with Flight #7 (2nd July 1947) (note that I’ve only included the topmost section of the payload):

Here you can see two Helios clusters, with the top (“lifter assembly”) 4-balloon cluster separated from the main 16-balloon cluster. When the balloon reached a specified height (35,000 feet), a switch in the separator would blow a small charge, splitting the lifter balloons off from the main body. Using small charges to release balloons within a cluster was one of Jean Piccard’s innovations – initially, this horrified other balloonists, but many changed their minds once they saw it working successfully for Piccard.

Lt. Harris F. Smith USNR

It seems hugely likely to me that the person who introduced the Helios cluster mechanism to the NYU Project Mogul team was Lt. Harris F. Smith USNR, of NAS Lakehurst, NJ. A Princeton graduate and very skilled free balloonist (according to J. Gordon Vaeth, “They Sailed the Skies”, Epilogue), Smith had been working for Tex Settle on Project Helios at General Mills in Minnesota, and then in the May 1947 reorganisation had been made Scientific Coordinator by Capt Hutchinson (“The Navy still wished to perform missile drops from unmanned clusters, so to this end – and only because of this end – Helios remained an active project” – DeVorkin, p.286).

It therefore seems hugely likely to me that the “Lt Smith NYU” mentioned in Crary’s journal as arriving in Alamogordo for Project Mogul’s “Alamogordo II” balloon expedition phase was indeed Lt. Harris F. Smith.

I also found evidence that at least one unmanned missile drop from Helios clusters was carried out in September 1947 (from an interview with George Hoover).

The C-54 Flights

According to Capt. Albert Trakowski, the Project Mogul team had access to a Douglas C-54 Skymaster in Fort Dix, New Jersey: this was not too far from where most of the (NYU) project team was based.

Hence it seems likely to me that Smith travelled down with the rest of the Mogul team on 28th June 1947 on the team’s allocated C-54 (their research was funded by the US Army).

We also know (from various interviews with Charles Moore) that the Alamogordo II phase closed with 23 members of the team flying back to New Jersey on the 8th July 1947. For example, in this interview with Moore in the Skeptical Inquirer Vol. 19 No. 4 (Jul / Aug 1995), the writer notes:

“Several UFO authors claim that the wreckage, and possibly alien bodies as well, were secretly flown to Wright Field in Dayton, Ohio for analysis. By coincidence, Moore says he and the rest of the NYU balloon crew stayed over at Wright Field the evening of July 8, 1947, en route back to New Jersey, just as the Roswell story was breaking. Moore says they first learned of the incident while in Dayton, and figured that it was probably caused by one of their recent polyethylene balloon flights.”

I really wish I had access to the passenger manifests for these C-54 flights, particularly the 28th June 1947 flight. However, given the US Army’s record retention policies, it seems – unless you know better? – highly unlikely that these passenger manifests survived even ten years.

Where next?

As always, a perfectly reasonable question is now: where should I be looking next? In the same way that Project Helios was funded by the US Navy’s Office for Naval Research (ONR), Project Mogul was funded by the US Army’s Air Materiel Command (AMC). AMC was formed in 9th March 1946 out of various predecessor commands (e.g. AAF Technical Service Command (ATSC), 1st July 1945), and was largely run out of Wright Field (Dayton, Ohio).

The specific part of AMC associated with Project Mogul was the Engineering Division: and indeed the archives do have records produced by the AMC’s Engineering Division (342.3 “Records of the Engineering Division and its Predecessors, 1916-1951”), made up of three major series:

  • Central decimal correspondence, 1916-49 (1,774 ft.).
  • Research and development project contract files, 1921-51 (3,438 ft.).
  • Microfilm copy of research and development technical reports, 1928-51 (400 rolls)

However, for Project Mogul’s constant-level balloon R&D we already know the contract number (W28-099-ac-241), as well as its Technical Report #1 (which amply covers the time period we’re interested in). So unless there’s something unexpected in “Central decimal correspondence, 1916-1949”, I’m not hugely optimistic that there will be anything useful in these Air Force files.

Note that there is some Project Mogul archival film footage relating to inflating balloons at Roswell in 1947, which is part of a series of 16 archival films relating to Roswell, though none of this is available online. There are also 18 archival sound recordings relating to Roswell there across 22 cassettes (which are also unavailable online). I’m not sure if these are on Spotify yet (but maybe they will be soon).

Given the close links between Project Helios (US Navy stratospheric balloon platform for scientific experiments) and Project Mogul (US Army long-duration high-altitude sound monitoring experiments), I wanted a list of all the Project Mogul people in Alamogordo in June-July 1947, but didn’t have one.

So here’s my first attempt at drawing one up. It’s not complete, but it’s a decent enough starting point.

Crary’s Log

Albert Paddock Crary (1911-1987) was a pioneering geophysicist and glaciologist, and also the Field Operations Director of Project Mogul. His Mogul field log was later used (somewhat dubiously, if you ask me) to try to explain away the Roswell Incident as simply a lost Mogul balloon (when it plainly wasn’t).

Usefully for us, Crary’s log lists who arrived at Alamogordo on 28th June 1947, the starting day of “Alamogordo II” (i.e. the second phase of the expedition, which finished on 8th July 1947):

Balloon expedition personnel arrived Saturday evening – Peoples, Trakowski, Mears, Ireland, Olsen, Moulton, Alden from AMS and Moore, Schneider, Hackman, Smith, Hazzard, 2 others and a Lt Smith from Navy NYU.

Interestingly, even though B. D. (“Bruce”) Gildenburg – who wrote the scathing (if somewhat scattershot) 2003 takedown “A Requiem to Roswell” in Skeptic magazine – worked on Project Mogul (and later ran Holloman AFB’s balloon recovery section for many years), I believe he was not actually at Alamogordo in June-July 1947.

Staff in Alamogordo

Though his report’s overall findings didn’t make a lot of sense to me, James McAndrew’s Synopsis of Balloon Research Findings did actually try to summarize Project Mogul’s technical reports fairly well.

For example, it notes that “three of Crary’s staff […] resided permanently in Alamogordo”:

  • Don Reynolds
  • Sol Olivia
  • Bill Edmonson (“Edmondson”? “Edmondston”?)

But there was also Vivian and Eileen, that Crary was working very closely with. Was “Vivian” Vivian Bushnell? Was “Eileen” Eileen Ulrich Farnochi?

AMS People

  • Dr James W. (“Jim”) Peoples, the “Primary Scientist”
  • Capt. Albert C. Trakowski (“Chief” of the project from January 1947 to May 1949)
  • A. H. Mears
  • Charles (“Charlie”) Ireland
  • (Joseph?) Olsen
  • Moulton
  • John Alden

NYU People

McAndrew’s Appendix 16 includes a copy of the NYU team’s “Special Report #1”, which gives more details of the NYU project personnel’s names (as mentioned by Crary) and roles:

  • Charles B. Moore – Research Engineer
  • Charles S. Schneider – Asst. Proj. Director
  • Murry Hackman – in charge of the Electronic Weather Equipment
  • James Smith – Weather Observer and Draftsman
    • Is this “J. Richard Smith”, the full-time Meteorologist hired in May 1947? [Appendix 15]
  • Richard Hassard – Chief of Flight Detail
  • “2 others”
    • Possibly Henry Kammenzind, Ralph Morrell, William Kneer [Appendix 16]
    • Possibly William O. Davis, Fred Barker [Appendix 15]

The story of what happened at Roswell is usually told in terms of two primary sites – the Foster Ranch site near Corona (where Mack Brazel and Dee Proctor found unearthly debris), and a site north of Roswell (where passing field archaeologists found a metallic ‘pod’ with four strange bodies, one still alive).

However, geographically between these two sites sits a third site, that Carey and Schmitt (in their “Witness to Roswell” book) call the “Dee Proctor site” or the “Dee Proctor body site”. By way of background, I’ve been looking for any additional sources on this (still somewhat mysterious) third site.

Hence I thought I’d summarise what I’ve found so far below. Which should pretty much double the amount of information on the Web. 😁

The Bluff

In 1947, Timothy William “Dee” Proctor (b. 07 Feb 1940, Corona, Lincoln County, NM) was just seven years old, and being paid 25 cents a day by Mack Brazel to ride along with him on the ranch for the summer. It was famously the two of them who found the first ‘crash’ site full of strange lightweight metallic debris.

But Dee seemed to have subsequently had a troubled life (described throughout Chapter 1 of “Children of Roswell”), keeping other things he had seen that fateful summer to himself. It wasn’t until 1994 that he drove his mother down rickety back roads to a specific bluff (“about 2.5 miles east of the Corona debris site”, WtR p.47), telling her “Here is where Mack found something else”. This was clearly The Big Secret (or at least part of it) that had been eating away at him for nearly fifty years.

What exactly was this “something else”? Carey and Schmitt say that this was “where several dead aliens were found who had been blown out of their crippled ship when it exploded” (CoR, Ch.1), though without giving a source. While Nick Redfern (via Anthony Bragalia in 2012) says that it was “body parts”, his source being a regretful retired intelligence agent (though unnamed).

But let’s not get too carried away, eh?

The Roswell Children

Other Roswell children claimed to have been to this “other location” (WtR, p.47): in 1998, Sidney “Jack” Wright said that he, Thomas Edington’s two sons and one of Truman Pierce’s daughters also saw what was there. None of these Roswell children has yet spoken of what they saw. But who exactly were they?

Sidney Jack Wright (b. 01 Jun 1934, d. 08 Aug 2019) was the son of Albert Sidney Wright and Celia Geneva (Clark) Wright: he was succeeded by his wife Wilene Wright of Odessa; his daughter Brenda Garvin (and husband Tim) of Waco, TX; and his son David Wright of Riverdale, CA. His memoirs are online (but with no mention of Roswell).

The Edington rancher family I have had no luck with. Any suggestions?

As far as the children (I’ve seen one son and four daughters reported on the Internet) of Edward Truman Pierce (1922-2001) and Wanda (McBride) Pierce (1922-1995) go: Suzanne “Suzie” Cox (nee Pierce) b. 12 Nov 1945, d. 25 Jan 2021, wouldn’t even have been two years old in August 1947, while Jean Hamill (husband Steve Hamill) and Joan Key (husband Collins Key) were even younger (I believe), so I’m possibly still missing a son and a daughter here, alas.

Oddly, the 1950 US Census only lists Truman (27), Wanda (27), and Suzanne (4).

Hines House & the Cattle Shed

Though it’s not completely clear, what seems to have happened next was that Mack Brazel took something (or maybe everything?) from this site to the cattle shed close to Hines House. (WtR p.50) Another account says that this was four feet by three feet by one feet, but the wires may be getting crossed here, it’s hard to say.

Given that Brazel later reportedly exclaimed “I should have buried that thing” (WtR p.80), my current guess is that that “that thing” was from the Dee Proctor site, and may possibly have been a bigger issue than the Foster Ranch site debris.

Carey and Schmitt report that Sheridan Cavitt went to the cattle shed (WtR p.206), but it’s not clear to me whether Jesse Marcel went there too.

What’s Missing Here?

Even though I’ve now read a ton of Roswell-related books etc, it still feels like I’m missing a ton of stuff. To me, it’s as though the key to the whole mystery is woven into the events that happened at this third site, but the accounts of it I’ve read are all fairly sketchy (at best).

Might Roswell researchers have over-focused on the two ‘glamorous’ sites (the Foster Ranch debris field and the ‘pod’ site), and not put the time and effort into the third site?

Or is there a huge bibliography on the third site I’m completely unaware of?

Neither Carl Webb’s family nor his wife’s family seems to have much of a clue about him; Trove and the NAA have yielded relatively little; and a (probable) two-year spell at Swinburne Junior Technical College gave us a photo id that remains more than a bit unclear. Barring any sudden new revelations (I’m not holding my breath), the current Somerton Man news cycle now seems to be drifting downwards.

Worse still, well-placed people who really ought to know better are still punting tepid speculations out to the media, which I then seem to spend most of my time disproving (or at least strongly undermining). I really wish they wouldn’t waste everyone’s time, in some quest to look ‘clever’ or ‘knowledgeable’. Inane speculation makes researching history harder, not easier: and so these people are just making it harder for actual historians to make progress. Oh, and the actual data they find seems never to actually get released.

It’s painfully hard not to conclude that all the easy wins have probably now been had, and there is no Royal Road forward – just Hard Graft Street as far as the eye can see. Get used to this view, because it’s not going away any time soon.

It’s true that we still have plenty of sensible (and unanswered) questions, e.g.:

  • Did Carl Webb take up the scholarship he got from Swinburne, e.g. to learn electrical engineering?
  • Where did he work before the war?
  • Where did he work during the war?
  • Where did he work after the war?
  • Did he have a police record?
  • Where did he live after his marriage broke down?
  • Did he buy or sell any more items (e.g. in the Melbourne Age)?
  • Did he have another relationship after his marriage broke down?
  • Why did he have such high levels of lead in his hair at the time of his death?
  • What had happened to him to cause his spleen to be so enlarged?
  • Was Dorothy Jean Robertson trained as a chemist? If so, where did she train?

However, few of these seem likely to cast any significant light on the end of Carl Webb’s life.

Where should we be looking next? What are we missing?

When Derek Abbott first named Carl Webb as the Somerton Man, he noted that his brother-in-law was Gerald Thomas Keane, and speculated that the “J/T Kean[e]”-named clothes in the Somerton Man’s suitcase might have belonged to him. I immediately pointed out that Gerald Keane was known as “Gerald Keane” (rather than “Thomas Keane”), and wondered – hopefully more usefully – whether the Keane in question might have been John Russell “Jack” Keane, Gerald Keane’s son, who died in an air accident in 1943. I also – rather more specifically – speculated whether the Somerton Man’s suitcase might actually have been Jack Keane’s suitcase.

In that vein, I threw some money at NAA to get Jack Keane’s 129-page service record digitised: which finally came online yesterday.

Meet Jack Keane

Born 3rd September 1917 in Camperdown, Victoria, son of Gerald Keane (“Theatre Employee”, of 194 Stewart St, Brunswick East), John Russell Keane was educated after 12 at St Monica’s, Wingfield St, Footscray from 1929 to 1931 (p.128), passing his Christian Brothers Scholarship exams in Maths, History, Geography and English in 1930. His occupation since school was as an electrical fitter’s assistant (Radio Service, 3 years), and then as a Motor Mechanic (Lanes Motors, Dorcas Street, South Melbourne, 18 months). He had a single traffic offence (fined £2).

Prior to enrolling in the RAAF Reserve in 1941, he had had two 30-minutes instructional flights in a dual-control plane (courtesy of Essendon Aero Club), plus 3 months “Universal (military) Training” with 8th Field Regiment. His 1934 character reference was from Charles Williams of Amalgamated Wireless Australasia (AWA), who had known him “since his childhood days” (p.126). His 1940 character reference was from A. A. Howitt of 156 Toorak Road, South Yarra, who had known “Jack Keane for many years and [had] every confidence in his ability and integrity” (p.124).

So, here’s Jack Keane (p.68):

Training in the RAAF

Though not initially assessed as being commissioning officer material, Jack Keane did extremely well in training, finishing top in his class of 62 pilots. His instructors’ assessments were all “average” or “above average”, with the only occasional note of caution being a tendency towards “overconfidence” (this appears multiple times). It’s true that one particular training session was assessed as “bloody awful”, but everyone can have an off day, right?

There’s a nice picture of him in his training notes (p.36):

Though admittedly his next photo is a bit more scowly:

His RAAF timeline looks something like this:

  • 10 Oct 1941 – 4 I.T.S. (Victor Harbour)
    • 31 Jan 1942 – 5 days’ leave
  • 05 Feb 1942 – No. 3 E.F.T.S Essendon
  • 20 Apr 1942 – No. 11 E.F.T.S Bonalla
    • Embarked Sydney 9/8/1942
    • Disembarked Canada 2/9/1942
  • 02 Sep 1942 – No. 3 “M” Depot Edmonton
  • 27 Sep 1942 – No. 4 E.F.T.S Aylmer
  • 22 Jan 1943 – Appointed to a commissioned rank
    • 23 Jan 1943 – 14 days leave
    • 10 Apr 1943 – 7 days leave
    • 29 Jun 1943 – 14 days leave
    • 16 Jul 1943 – Embarked New York
    • 17 Jul 1943 – Embarked Halifax, Canada
    • 22 Jul 1943 – Disembarked UK
  • 22 Jul 1943 – Promoted
  • 23 Jul 1943 – No.11 P.D.R.C.
    • 10 Aug 1943 – 7 days leave
  • 23 Aug 1943 – A.C.O.S. Sidmouth
  • 05 Oct 1943 – No.1. O.T.U. Thornaby
  • 08 Oct 1943 – 5 O.T.U.

His progression was marred by an incident where he was courtmartialed for stealing 4 gallons of petrol from Essendon on 14th April 1942, and so spent 90 days in military detention (and was docked 91 days’ pay). When he continued his training after a four month gap, he was inevitably a little rusty at first but soon got back on track. He gained his pilot wings in January 1943, and flew several types of plane (Yale, Harvard, Hudson, Anson?)

Sadly, on 29th November 1943 Jack Keane was killed in an air accident in a Hudson at Loughmore in County Antrim, one mile south-east of Dunadry.

Signatures

Everyone loves signatures, so here are some of Jack Keane’s from the file:

(p.73)
(p.103)
(p.104)
(p.111)
(p.117)

Jack Keane’s Personal Effects

A little bit more digging revealed that the A705 (Directorate of Personnel Services RAAF) Casualty Section report for Jack Keane had (to my surprise) already been digitised (and I’d missed it).

According to the report, this included:

Much as you’d expect, there’s a map of New York, a Statue of Liberty souvenir, eleven souvenir coins, plus a map of Chicago and a “Menu of Wings party”. This was all sent in a “steel trunk” and a “tin suitcase” (blue metal).

After his personal effects were delivered by hand to Mrs Keane on 13th September 1944, she wrote to complain that many of Jack’s things were missing (p.12):

From the records, it seems that these missing items were never recovered or returned.

Sadly, I also have to add that the report on the accident (included in the report) noted that Jack Keane was the pilot of the plane that crashed. Having completed a bombing exercise, he proceeded to perform some steep turns (as part of some “unauthorised flying”), one of which to port caused the engines to stall. The problem was that this happened too close to the surface, meaning that Keane had insufficient time to regain control of the plane in the air before it hit the ground.

Probably not the Somerton Man’s suitcase…

Though it was well worth pursuing this whole lead through the archival trail, it now seems perfectly clear that the Somerton Man’s suitcase was neither the “steel trunk” nor the “tin suitcase” in which Jack Keane’s personal effects returned to Brunswick East. Similarly, the contents of the Somerton Man’s suitcase seem entirely unlike the items listed above. Though Keane had plenty of ties (6 black, 1 blue, 1 blue check), there was also no sign of the Somerton Man’s mysterious white tie (which has vexed us all so much).

And so we are – alas – back to square one, even if that is a familiar place for Somerton Man researchers.