I mentioned in a comment on Koen G’s recent post that I thought that Voynichese benched gallows (i.e. gallows that have a ch glyph struck through them) may well be nothing more complex than a different way of writing gallows+ch; and that I thought this was much more likely than the alternative notion that it was a different way of writing ch+gallows.

When Koen asked me what evidence I had for this, I thought that I ought to write a brief post explaining how I got there (i.e. rather than cramming my “truly marvelous demonstration” into a Fermatian margin). So here goes.

Yes, It’s Contact Tables (Again)

The evidence I’d point to is from (you guessed it) contact tables for glyphs following benched gallows. The notable feature of these I mentioned recently on Cipher Mysteries (though the obeservation is, of course, as old as the hills) is that benched gallows are only very rarely followed by -ch.

Here’s a simple parsed count example (Takahashi transcription), showing how very rare benched gallows + -ch are as compared to both -e and -ee:

cth 712cthe 167cthee 23cthch 3
ckh 629ckhe 222ckhee 20ckhch 5
cph 147cphe 56cphee 8cphch 1
cfh 59cfhe 13cfhee 1cfhch 0

Baseline: (ch 10652), of which (che 4138), (chee 742), and (chch 18)

Furthermore, as I noted in that post, almost all of the places where benched gallows are followed by ch seem to be Takahashi’s transcription errors (sorry Takahashi-san).

Compare and contrast with the contact tables for the preceding glyph, where the ch- instance counts hugely outnumber the counts for e- and ee-:

cth 701ecth 59eecth 6chcth 139
ckh 501eckh 124eeckh 9chckh 242
cph 177ecph 7eecph 1chcph 27
cfh 54ecfh 3eecfh 1chcfh 15

Baseline: (ch 10652), of which (ech 143), (eech 33), and (chch 18)

As a sidenote, the interesting things in this particular table are (a) how rarely benched gallows are preceded by ee- (far less than by just e- or ch-), and (b) how frequently benched gallows are preceded by ch- when ch itself is very rarely preceded by ch-.

So, What’s Going On Here?

I think it’s safe to say that there is probably a really basic reason why benched gallows preceded by ch- are found so much more often than benched gallows followed by -ch. But what might that reason be?

For me, the suspicion is simply that c+gallows+h is just a different way of writing gallows+ch. The contact tables I quote above certainly don’t seem to offer anything to support the alternative scenario where c+gallows+h is a different way of writing ch+gallows.

To my eyes, replacing benched gallows with gallows+ch would match the statistics baseline for che/chee/chch far more closely than replacing benched gallows with ch+gallows would match the statistics baseline for ech/eech/chch. That is, the benched gallows right contact tables (i.e. the contacts that benched gallows have with glyphs immediately following them to the right) seem to me to broadly match the ch right contact tables, but the benched gallows left contact tables don’t obviously match the ch left contact tables.

The big issue here – as always, though – is one of proof. It’s all very well my speculating that it would be better to replace benched gallows with gallows+ch rather than ch+gallows, but how can this be made stronger?

Though I’m not sure that it would be possible to turn this gallows+ch replacement hypothesis into a smoking-gun proof, I do suspect that it could be tested much more rigorously. Perhaps CM readers will have good suggestions about how to carry out a suitable test (or three). 🙂

Finally: Might ch Be Enciphering U?

To me, Voynichese’s various families of shapes and glyph behaviours look (much as John Tiltman suggested) like a grab-bag of contemporary cipher tricks. As a result, it would make a lot of sense to me if the distinctive benched gallows was simply one of the set of slightly older cipher tricks that were artfully combined to form Voynichese.

Along these lines, I’ve previously floated the idea (based mainly on the look of the benched gallows, but also on my long-held suspicion that e/ee/ch/sh might somehow be vowels) that Voynichese ch might in fact encipher plaintext U/V. This is because I can easily imagine that c+gallows+h may have begun its life as an early 15th century steganographic trick used to disguise or visually disrupt QU patterns before being absorbed into the Voynichese Borg mind.

Replacing benched gallows with gallows+ch would be entirely consistent with this idea (though note that the gallows need not necessarily be enciphering Q, even if the trick started that way), so it’s possible that both ideas might turn out to be true simultaneously.

Incidentally: in “The Curse of the Voynich” (p.177), I mentioned a strikethrough trick that appeared in an “otherwise unremarkable” 1455 cipher (Ludovico Petronio Senen) to encipher the Tironian-style ‘subscriptio’ shorthand sign (e.g. that turns “p” into “p[er]”). My speculation here is therefore that the strikethrough trick may have first emerged in this general era, though instead used to visually disguise plaintext U’s.

Hence one thing I have been meaning to do recently is to trawl carefully through Mark Knowles’ fascinating haul of 1400–1450 Northern Italian ciphers to see if there is any indication there that a strikethrough trick was ever used in one of those ciphers to disguise the U in QU pairs. You might have thought that encipherers would have added a special token for “QU”, or might have simply chosen to omit the U after Q: but neither of these options typically seems to have happened in this general timeframe (outside of the most complicated syllabic ciphers).

I recently mentioned in a comment that my working hypothesis was word-initial EVA l- was a different token to EVA l elsewhere: and Emma May Smith asked me what evidence I had for that statement. So I thought I’d post a few stats to throw onto the fire.

The Evidence

Just to be clear, though: because I’d rather not mess up my stats with line-initial EVA l- stats, all the following figures relate to word-initial (but not line-initial) stats. And to keep everything as clear as practical, the comparisons are solely between words beginning l-, ol-, and al-.

So, here are the raw instance counts according to the Takahashi transcription for word-initial (but not line-initial) l-, ol-, and al-. For example, there are 1267 word-initial (but not line-initial) l- words, of which 58 are just EVA l (on its own), along with 433 word-initial (but not line-initial) words beginning with lk-. (Note that the “(-)” line is an estimate, my app unfortunately couldn’t calculate it.)

.l.ol.al
12671416477
(-)58538256
k43332642
t34351
f10123
P17132
ch29313820
sh105538
o1718555
a419732
d485226
y135832

To compare these three columns, we now need to turn their values into percentages. What this following table is saying, then, is that word-initial (but not line-initial) l- is followed by k 34.18% of the time, t 2.68% of the time, etc. (Note that I didn’t try to capture all of the values.)

.l.ol.al
100%100%100%
(-)4.58%37.99%53.67%
k34.18%23.02%8.81%
t2.68%2.47%0.21%
f0.79%0.85%0.63%
p1.34%0.92%0.42%
ch23.13%9.75%4.19%
sh8.29%3.74%1.68%
d13.50%6.00%11.53%
a3.24%6.85%6.71%
o3.79%3.67%5.45%
y1.03%4.10%6.71%

In short, this table is trying to compare the contact tables for three word-initial (but not line-initial) contexts: l-, ol-, and al-. So… what does it say?

Though the +f and +p rows are broadly the same for all three contexts, I think just about every row presents significant differences. For example:

  • Only one word in the VMs begins with EVA alt (on f72v2, Virgo)
  • Comparisons between the ch and sh lines seem to imply that tehre is vastly more similarity between ch and sh (ch seems to occur 3x more often than sh) than between l-, ol-, and al-.
  • l- is typically followed by k (34.18%) and ch (23.13%), but this is quite unlike ol- and al-.

However, the biggest difference in all these counts is where l, ol, and al form the whole word (the “(-)” row). So here’s the last table of the day, which is where the whole word counts are removed from the totals, i.e. word-initial but not line-initial and also not word-complete:

.l.ol.al
k35.81%37.13%19.00%
t2.81%3.99%0.45%
f0.83%1.37%1.36%
p1.41%1.48%0.90%
ch24.23%15.72%9.05%
sh8.68%6.04%3.62%
d14.14%9.68%24.89%
a3.39%11.05%14.48%
o3.97%5.92%11.76%
y1.08%6.61%14.48%

Even though taking out all the word-total instances has damped down some of the larger ratios, there are still plenty of big ratios to be seen.

Perhaps the most surprising is the comparison between ly- (1.08%) and aly- (14.48%). (Interestingly, all but one of all the places where the ly and aly instances occur in the text are at the end of a line or butted up against a mid-line illustration. Which I think points strongly to ly and aly being abbreviated in some way, but that’s an argument for another day.)

The Conclusion

For me, I simply can’t see anything systematic or language-like about the comparisons between any of the three columns. When their contact tables are so different, what actual evidence is there that l-, ol-, and al- are all presenting the same (right-facing) linguistic context? Personally, I simply can’t see any.

My conclusion from the above is therefore that l-, ol- and al- are (without any real doubt at all) three different tokens, i.e. they are standing in for three different underlying entities.

Here are some nice period photos for you, and a little challenge. 🙂

While looking on Trove for white ties (as per the one which was famously in the Somerton Man’s suitcase), I stumbled upon the Sam Hood Photographic Collection II’s Theatrical subsection, which contained this intriguing white-tied image (“308. Smoker with violin case”):

There was no further identification or markings on the photograph or in the NSW catalogue, so just for fun I trawled through the rest of the 275 photos in the set to see if the white-tied guy turned up again. I’m pretty sure I found him (right of centre) in “137. Chorus with comics”:

…and in “169. Child Performers” (as the front half of a pantomime cow, possibly with the same guy who was on the stone stairs with him above):

The catalogue notes say that 137-138 show the “male comic, Alfred Frith” (1885-1941, and whose stage credits are listed here). Here’s what Alfred Frith looked like in 1933:

So it’s safe to say that our Formbyesque Alfred Frith is definitely in “294. Comic arrives, Central Station”, mugging away for the ‘Hood:

And also in “295. Comic arrives, Central Station”, with his same precious golf clubs:

Oh, and it’s definitely sure it’s Alfred Frith in “138. Chorus with comics”:

But your challenge is: can you identify the comic actor with the violin case?

…who was surely the same comic photographed with Alfred Frith (if you don’t believe me, check out the handkerchief in his top pocket):

(PS: please don’t tell me he’s a Russian spy called Pavel, *sigh*.)

Since posting about Voynichese’s strange single leg gallows behaviours a few days ago, I have continued to think about this topic. On the one hand, it’s clear to me how little of any genuine substance we actually know about how they work; and on the other, I’ve been wondering how I can start some broadening conversations about them (by which I mean ones that ask more questions than they answer).

As today’s experimental contribution, I’m going to write a post listing a load of the questions I have in my head to do with single leg gallows but without really trying to answer any of them. I can’t tell how this will work, but here goes regardless. 🙂

Incidentally, for anyone who wants to run their own statistical experiments on single leg gallows, I would strongly recommend using Herbal-B + Q13 + Q20 as their basic test corpus, because I’m acutely distrustful of any Voynich stats that combine Currier A and Currier B. Even though I’m basically doing the latter here. 😉

Questions: final flourish

Rather than finishing with a second vertical leg on the right hand side, single leg gallows instead cross over the left hand leg and finish with a slight flourish to the left. This final flourish can be (1) short, (2) long and straight, or (3) long and curved (i.e. finishing with something like an EVA c-shape).

  1. Have the variations in the finishing flourish of single leg gallows been catalogued and/or transcribed?
  2. Are these variations found uniformly throughout the manuscript, or are they strongly correlated with the various scribal hands (as recently proposed by Lisa Fagin Davis)?
  3. If they have been transcribed, is each flourish type statistically associated with any neighbouring textual behaviours (e.g. contact tables, etc)?

Questions: followed by EVA e?

One huge difference between single leg gallows and double leg gallows is that non-struckthrough single leg gallows are very rarely followed by EVA e. If you count strikethrough gallows separately from normal gallows, the statistics are quite, umm, striking:

  • k:ke = 9758:3809 = 39.03%
  • t:te = 5802:1748 = 30.13%
  • p:pe = 1383:5 = 0.36%
  • f:fe = 416:3 = 0.72%
  • ckh:ckhe = 876:242 = 27.63%
  • cth:cthe = 905:190 = 20.99%
  • cph:cphe = 212:64 = 30.19%
  • cfh:cfhe = 73:14 = 19.18%

Moreover, looking at the eight instances in Takahashi’s transcription where EVA p and EVA f are followed by EVA e, I suspect that many of these may well be transcription errors (i.e. where Takahashi should have instead written EVA pch / fch).

Hence it seems to me that Voynichese has a secret internal rule that almost completely forbids following EVA p and EVA with EVA e. This is a massively different usage scenario from EVA t / EVA k (which are followed by EVA e 39.03% and 30.13% of the time respectively).

OK, I know I said I was only going to ask questions in this post, but looking at these numbers afresh, I can’t help but speculate: might it be that EVA p/f are nothing more complex than a way of writing EVA te/ke?

  1. Has anyone looked closely at the eight places where pe/fe occur?
  2. Why is there such a huge difference between pe/fe and the other six gallows?
  3. Might this be because EVA p and EVA f are optional ways of writing EVA te and EVA ke?
  4. Has anyone considered this specific possibility before?
  5. How similar are the contact tables for EVA te/ke and EVA p/f?

Questions: Followed by EVA ch?

Similarly, comparing the stats for instances where gallows are followed by the (almost identical looking) EVA ch glyph reveals more differences:

  • k:kch = 9758:1074 = 11.01%
  • t:tch = 5802:975 = 16.80%
  • p:pch = 1383:733 = 53.00%
  • f:fch = 416:190 = 45.67%
  • ckh:ckhch = 876:5 = 0.57%
  • cth:cthch = 905:3 = 0.33%
  • cph:cphch = 212:1 = 0.47%
  • cfh:cfhch = 73:0 = 0.00%

Here, we can see that both p and f are followed by ch about half the time (53% and 45.67% respectively), which is significantly more than for k and t (11.01% and 16.80% respectively).

At the same time, the dwindlingly tiny number of places where strikethrough gallows are followed by ch (only nine in the whole manuscript) again raises the question of whether these too are either scribal error or a transcription error.

As an aside, I previously floated the idea here that c + gallows + h may have simply been a compact (and possibly even playful) way of writing gallows + ch, which would be broadly consistent with these stats.

  1. Is there anything obviously different about Voynichese words containing EVA kch / tch and Voynichese words containing EVA pch / fch?
  2. Has anyone looked in detail at the eight instances where strikethrough gallows are immediately followed by EVA ch?
  3. If you remove paragraph-initial p- words from these stats, do the ratios for p:pch and f:fch settle down closer to the ratios for k:kch and t:tch?
  4. How similar are the contact tables for EVA tch/kch and EVA cth/ckh?
  5. How similar are the contact tables for EVA tech/kech and EVA pch/fch?

Questions: Double Leg Parallels?

Some researchers (perhaps most notably John Tiltman, if I remember correctly) have wondered whether EVA p / f might simply be scribal variations of (the much more common) EVA t / f.

  1. Beyond mere visual similarity, is there any actual evidence that supports this view?
  2. I would have thought that the pe/fe stats described above would have meant this was extremely unlikely, but am I missing something obvious here?

Questions: Paragraph-Initial?

Yes, single-leg gallows (mainly EVA p) are very often found as the first letter of the first word of paragraphs. But…

  1. How often do single leg gallows (and/or strike-through single leg gallows) appear in the first word of a paragraph but not as the very first letter of the word?
  2. Do these these paragraph-initial -p-/-f words show any pattern?
  3. Are there structural similarities between paragraph-initial p-/f- words and other paragraph-initial?
  4. Might there be some kind of numbering system embedded in paragraph-initial p- words (particularly in Q20)?

Questions: vs Double Gallows?

Yes, single-leg gallows are to be found mainly in the top line of paragraphs, but that’s imprecise and unscientific.

  1. Are the number of gallows characters (whether single or double) per line roughly constant for both the first lines of paragraphs and for the other lines of paragraphs?
  2. Do these statistics change between sections?

And Finally…

Please feel free to leave comments asking any other single leg gallows questions, I’m sure there are plenty more that could sensibly be added to this page. 🙂

All answers happily received too. 😉

I missed Virtual Typex‘s launch back in March 2020, but a Cipher Mysteries review is better late than never, eh?

The short version: Virtual Typex is a gloriously techy bit of onscreen kit, that simulates all the moving components of a Typex cipher machine in a visually satisfying way. You’ll need a big monitor to see all the details properly (think UHD rather than HD), but as cipher machine simulations go it’s really nice-looking. (Though see the final section below for the caveat.)

There’s an extensive set of help / introduction screens here, which both set the historical scene nicely and explain all the fiddly stuff to do with rotors, plugboards, and reflectors (and how Virtual Typex simulates them all). They don’t include any real Typex rotors (or rotor insert) settings, which is a huge shame (but I’m sure that Cipher Mysteries readers already knew that GCHQ aren’t likely to release anytime soon, bless ’em).

One nice piece of Typex history they got right (which I think may well be described here for the first time) is the wiring for the basic Typex reflector. This they managed to infer from an engineer’s Typex Mk III rotor-test cheat sheet when used with the pass-through rotor insert test set (and with the “DRUMS LOCKED AT AAAAA”:

The discussion on the page continues:

[…] it is therefore possible to work out the reflector wiring for Typex as the [pass-through] rotors add nothing to the cipher in this case.

To do this, you’ll need one more piece of information, how the input & reflector heads (the connectors on either side of the rotors) are wired. The diagram above shows that on Typex, the input was wired reversed with respect to the reflector. This means that while A input pin is in line with the A reflector pin, B sits opposite Z, C-Y, D-X .. Z-B.

This, satisfyingly, then yields a Typex reflector mapping of:

As I said above, this is a really fantastic visualisation tool, that lets anyone who wants to try out a Typex for themselves (but without investing their pension on buying their own Mark 22 at auction, *sigh*).

However, it might not be correct. 🙁

Much as I like all the visuals and interactive side of VT, I’m going to be a huge spoilsport by suggesting as nicely as I can that I don’t think that this hasn’t yet been verified against a real Typex: and that anyone who relies on this as an actual simulation might well come a cropper. 🙁

The reason I think it’s incorrect is that if you (virtually) put any of the rotors with inserts in, and enter A twenty-six times (i.e. enough to rotate the first of the moving three rotors through a complete revolution), the next rotor along only clicks over five times (in an Enigma, it would click over once). Here’s the sequence of rotor settings you see onscreen in Virtual Typex:

  • AAAAA
  • AABAA
  • AACAA
  • AADAA
  • AAEAA
  • ABFAA <– i..e. the first time the second rotor along clicks over
  • ABGAA
  • ABHAA
  • ABIAA
  • ABJAA
  • ABKAA
  • ABLAA
  • ACMAA<– the second time
  • ACNAA
  • ACOAA
  • ACPAA
  • ACQAA
  • ACRAA
  • ADSAA <– the third time
  • ADTAA
  • ADUAA
  • ADVAA
  • ADWAA
  • ADXAA
  • ADYAA
  • AEZAA <– the fourth time
  • BFAAA <– the fifth time

To my eyes, the problem is that the standard-issue empty rotor (i.e. the empty rotor that the inserts insert into) has nine triangular notches around its outside, not five. And it was my best understanding that it was these triangular notches that trigger the rotation in the next rotor along.

It’s always possible that I’ve got this basic physical detail wrong, but it’s certainly something that I’d like solidly checked before endorsing Virtual Typex as anything apart from beautiful cryptographical eye candy. :-/

PS: I also couldn’t help but get the impression that parts of the site’s historical documentation had been lifted unattributed from Cipher Mysteries, which is a bit cheeky. Just thought I’d say, hohum. :-/

Anyone who proposes that Voynichese works in a ‘flat’ (i.e. straightforward) way has a number of extremely basic problems to overcome.

For a start, there are the Voynichese’s ‘LAAFU’ (Emma May Smith’s acronym for Captain Prescott Currier’s phrase “Line As A Functional Unit”, though she now prefers to talk about “line patterns”) behaviours to account for. These relate to the curious ways that letters / words work both at the start of lines and at the end of lines, many of which are discussed by Emma May Smith here:

  • Line-first words have a quite different first-letter distribution from the main body of words’ first-letter distribution
  • Line-first words are slightly longer than expected
  • Line-second words are slightly shorter than expected
  • Line-final words frequently end in EVA ‘m’ / ‘am’

At the same time, there are also some odd PAAFU (“Paragraph As A Functional Unit”) behaviours to consider. The most famous of these is the way that the first letter of a paragraph (and even more so of the first paragraph on a page) has a significantly different distribution from elsewhere, one that strongly favours gallows characters (and in particular the single leg gallows EVA ‘p’).

But the other major PAAFU behaviour is that single leg gallows glyphs appear predominantly on the first line of paragraphs, and only rarely elsewhere (these are known as Tiltman lines, after my hero John Tiltman). You can see this throughout the Voynich Manuscript, right from Herbal A page f3r…

…to the Herbal B page f43r (which has an extra single leg gallows, but the remaining ones all sit on the first line of their respective paragraphs)…

…to the Q13 Balneo page f76v (where there are two extra single leg gallows, sure, but the rest of the page slavishly follows the pattern)…

So, even though the internal structure of Voynichese words changes significantly across the different sections (and that’s a separate topic entirely), this single-leg-gallows-mainly-on-top-lines-of-paragraphs Tiltman behaviour seems to remain essentially constant throughout them all.

This is an issue that has been floating round for decades, and I would be surprising if it had originated even from John Tiltman. More recently, Rene Zandbergen discussed it on voynich.ninja back in 2017, pointing out that this behaviour appeared – in his view – to be inconsistent with any model for Voynichese that was inherently uniform (which I call ‘flat’ here), whether linguistic, cryptographic or whatever.

So, the challenge to anyone trying to come up with some kind of theory for the Voynichese text is simply to explain why this unexpected behaviour is the way it is. What kind of mechanism could be behind it?

Q20 Paragraph-Initial Glyphs

For the rest of this post, I’m going to restrict my discussion to the twenty-three Voynich Q20 (‘Quire 20’) pages, simply because their lack of drawings make them particularly easy to work with.

The first thing to point out is that we have two single leg gallow behaviours (very frequent at paragraph starts, and very frequent on the top line of paragraphs) which overlap somewhat.

For example, f103r (the first bound page of Q20), has 19 starred paragraphs, of which 9 begin with the single leg gallow EVA ‘p’ (i.e. 47.3%). And if you count all the paragraph-initial p’s and f’s in Q20, you get:

Pagepfparas
f103r9018
f103v7014
f104r5013
f104v7013
f105r7010
f105v7010
f106r11015
f106v6115
f107r9115
f107v10015
f108r6216
f108v708
f111r406
f111v708
f112r8112
f112v8013
f113r7317
f113v10415
f114r5213
f114v5012
f115r4213
f115v6013
f116r608
Total16116292

The values for Q20 as a whole are remarkably consistent: there is a 161/292 = 55.14% chance that a paragraph starts with EVA p, and 16/292 = 5.48% chance that a paragraph starts with EVA f.

Given that ‘p’ makes up 1.03% of the glyphs in Q20 (‘f’ makes up 0.19%), ‘p’ is ~55x more likely to appear as the first glyph of a Q20 paragraph than it is to appear in any other glyph position: even ‘f’ is 28x more likely to appear paragraph-initial than elsewhere. That’s striking, and not at all flat.

Q20 Tiltman Lines

Q20 contains about 10700 words across about 1100 lines (I don’t have the exact figures to hand): 643 of these contain a single leg gallow, i.e. the raw chance any given Q20 word contains a single leg gallow = 643/10700 = 6%.

But whatever the explanation for p being so strongly biased to this paragraph-initial position, I think we should try to separate the single-leg-paragraph-initial behaviour from the single-leg-top-line (Tiltman) behaviour.

So if we remove the 292 paragraph-initial words, the raw chance that any non-paragraph-initial Q20 word contains a single leg gallow goes down to (643-292)/(10700-292) = 3.3%, which is our baseline figure here.

But what of top-line-but-not-initial Q20 words? Given that Q20 has 292 paragraphs, each with a first line containing (say) ten words, and we are removing the first word, we have 292 x ~9 = ~2628 top-line words of interest. Of these (by my counting), 353 contain a ‘p’, and 80 contain an ‘f’. Hence the probability that any given Q20 paragraph-top-line-but-not-initial word contains a single leg gallows is 433/2628 = 16.5%.

Similarly, the probability that any given non-top-line Q20 word contains a single leg gallows is roughly (643-177-433)/(10700-292*10) = 0.4%. So if we discount all the paragraph-initial words, words containing single leg gallows are about 16.5%/0.4% = ~41x more likely to appear on the top lines of paragraphs than on the other lines.

Q20 Neal Keys

One of the interesting things that has been noted about these single leg gallows on the top line of paragraphs is that they seem to often appear in adjacent words. This is something that Voynich researcher Philip Neal first mentioned in a Voynich pub meet a fair few years ago that he had noticed: at the time, I christened them Neal keys.

But even though this is a visually striking thing, is it statistically significant, particularly if we remove all the paragraph-initial single leg gallows first?

For non-paragraph-initial-top-line words, the raw (expected) probability that a pair of adjacent words both contain a single leg gallows would seem to be 16.5% x 16.5% = 2.7%.

My counts for the actual number of pairs of adjacent non-paragraph-initial-top-line Q20 words both containing single leg gallows (i.e. ignoring all paragraph-initial words) were 5/5/6/1/8/12/7/6/7/4/5/0/8/6/3/5/9/4/12/5/1/5/2 = 126 instances out of (353 + 80) = 433.

So, of the 292 x (9-1) = ~2336 potential adjacent pairs (discounting the end word of each top line), 126 instances points to a chance of 126/2336 = 5.4%.

So my conclusion from this is therefore that the phenomenon of Neal keys (pairs of words containing single leg gallows on the top line of paragraphs) is, while visually striking, only 2x the expected value.

To be clear, the phenomenon is definitely there, but the main factor driving it appears to be the very strong tendency for single leg gallows to appear on the top line of paragraphs, rather than the adjacency pairing per se.

Verification

I’ve done a lot of this manually, because I didn’t have sufficient automated tools to hand. So can one or more other Voynich researchers please verify these figures?

  • I used the Takahashi EVA transcription
  • I counted ch / sh / ckh / cfh / cph / cth as individual glyphs
  • I didn’t count space characters in the percentages

Pretty much everyone who has had a look at the Somerton Man mystery at some stage ends up raking through Gerry Feltus’ book “The Unknown Man” for research leads to follow.

So let’s hear what Gerry has to say about “Handel” (p.59):

At 11 a.m. on 7 January [1949] Detective Sergeant A Evans had a conversation with a tool inspector at General Motor’s (Holden’s) Ltd. He and several of his workmates were of the opinion that the deceased was a former employee with the Christian name Handel and an English surname. Born in Sweden on 10 November 1899, he was a member of the Merchant Navy in the First World War. A butcher by trade, he was employed in the Tool Section from 27 August 1946 to 17 February 1948. It was believed he lost his wife about 6 months earlier. His last known address was 271 Gouger Street, Adelaide.

I vageuly remembered seeing the (fairly unusual) Christian name Handel before: and so searched Cipher Mysteries. And here’s what I had written back in 2015:

I also asked about AA59/1/256. TIRS [Tasmanian Information and Research Service] noted that this file contains records dating from 1947 to 1950, and contains records relating to seven British migrants: John Bradley, Alan Clay, Frederick North, J L Targett, Henry Alfred Thompson, Kenneth Thompson, and William Handel Williams.

And with that, the game is afoot (as Conan Doyle famously wrote). So let’s pursue the ball for a little while, see where it leads.

Trove on 271 Gouger Street

It doesn’t take long in Trove to find a couple of references to the address mentioned, and they’re both deaths of women in 1948:

Adelaide Advertiser, 22nd May 1948

KEEGAN.—On May 20, Helen Keegan, of 271 Gouger street, Adelaide late of 35 Alexander street, Prospect, loved aunt of May and Alice and friend of Dolly. Aged 66 years. Requiescat in pace.

Adelaide Advertiser, 3rd August 1948

NELSON.—On July 31, at Adelaide, Maisie Josephine, of 271 Gouger street, Adelaide, loved wife of Thomas Nelson and loving mother of Raymond and Patricia, Requiescat in pace.

Perhaps one of these two is relevant, perhaps not: but I thought I’d mention them anyway. But the rest of Trove’s hits are fairly silent, alas: mostly they talk about the Maher family (e.g. Thomas Francis Maher) at that address.

The Christian name “Handel”

When you start raking through FamilySearch et al for men with the first name “Handel” born in 1899, you will (if you’re expecting to find any Swedish people) have a bit of a surprise. Because the first name “Handel” seems to have been a peculiarly English trend during the 19th century, particularly in Lancashire.

For example, I drew up a list of men with the first name Handel born/christened in the UK in 1899 / 1900:

  • Handel Bond — All Souls, Ancoats, Lancs
  • Handel Riley — Bolton, Lancs
  • Handel Ward — Barton Upon Irwell, Lancs
  • Handel Wild — Bury, Lancs
  • Handel Howarth — Ashton Under Lyne, Lancs
  • Handel Fletcher — Ormskirk, Lancs
  • Handel Fletcher — Bolton, Lancs
  • Handel Morris — Barton Upon Irwell, Lancs
  • Handel Seddon — Bolton, Lancs
  • Handel Shepherd — Endin, Lancs
  • Handel Whiteley — Bournemouth, Dorset
  • Handel Morris — Walkden, Lancs
  • Handel Carpenter — Walsall, Staffs
  • Handel Hodson — Wheatley Hill, Durham
  • Handel Heatley — Prestwich, Lancs
  • Handel Eckersley — Bolton, Lancs
  • Handel Hone — Ashton Under Lyne, Lancs (probably Joseph Handel Hone, 1900-1980)
  • Handel “Nenole” [Hard to read, I’m not convinced this is correct]

However, I should point out that I fed all of these names into both Trove and the NAA’s RecordSearch, without any luck. For what it’s worth, I did find (a) Handel Hone playing trumpet in 1955 (he’s the guy in the middle):

I did find a Handel Booth, 26, who emigrated (with Annie Booth, 25) on an Oversea Settlement Pass (O.S.P.) on the Demosthenes on 3rd July 1922. But there’s no sight of him in the archives beyond that.

I should also mention that there was an Ancestry mention of a William Handel Williams (1914-1986), born in Gorseinon, Swansea, in 1914. Though I don’t have access to Ancestry, I strongly suspect that this was the same William Handel Williams (b. 5th November 1914, d. 25th September 1986) who was cremated in Manukau Memorial Gardens, Auckland, NZ. So the Risdon migrant file mention was probably no more than a coincidence.

Might he be Handel, Hallelujah?

Gerry Feltus doesn’t mention whether the ‘Handel’ line of enquiry led anywhere, even though he does give the resolutions to many of the others. Hence it’s not obvious to me that this was resolved by SAPOL at the time.

Furthermore, I suspect (having searched the Swedish BDM records) that Handel’s supposed Swedish birthplace might not be correct. Rather, the odds seem reasonably high to me that our missing Handel was born in England (and indeed probably in Lancashire). So it could well have been that the police were entirely unsuccessful in tracing him.

Incidentally, there were a fair few middle-name-Handels I could have tried tracing (but didn’t), e.g.:

  • Ronald Handel Haswell — 1899, Handsworth, Birmingham (1899-1950, says Ancestry)
  • Wilfred Handel Bennett — 1900, Blackburn, Lancs (married Elsie Caroline Bennett, says a tree on Ancestry)
  • Henry Handel Edwards — 1899, Belvedere, Kent (September 30 1899, says MyHeritage)
  • Leslie Handel Wells — 1900, Hackney, London (1900-1930, says Ancestry)
  • George Handel McCallum – 1900, Liverpool
  • Hubert Handel Arthur — 1899, Southport, Lancs (26th Feb 1899 – 11th Jan 1983) [died in Stanmore, NSW]
  • William Handel Allsop — 1899, Huthwaite, Notts (6th July 1899 – 25th July 1983, says Ancestry)

So unfortunately I don’t have an answer neatly tied with a bow and flourish this time around, sorry. But perhaps someone else will have more luck stitching all these pieces together, so we can find out who Handel was. 🙂

Paolo Guinigi was Lord of Lucca at the start of the 15th century: the Lucca archives hold the Governo da Paolo Guinigi (“GPG”), a substantial collection of his correspondence from 1400 to 1430 (he died in 1432). Of interest to cipher historians is that some of this correspondence may well be enciphered.

[Incidentally, thanks very much to Mark Knowles for flagging this a couple of years ago, many apologies for not following up sooner. 🙁 ]

Covering a multitude of subjects and situations, the letters (both to and from Guinigi) are in Latin and Tuscan (“Volg.”). Helpfully, a transcription / summary of the letters made by Luigi Fumi and Eugenio Lazzareschi is downloadable on the Archivio di Stato di Lucca’s website.

There, certain groups of transcriptions have sections (occasionally single words) that are rendered in italics, which are typically to or from specific correspondents. Fumi and Lazzareschi note:

Furono composti in corsivo i passi che nell’originale sono in cifra, oppure distinti da segni convenzionali; la quale decifrazione, fatta co ‘1 sussidio del registro ufficiale della cifra del Guinigi, é stata fatica più di pazienza che di diligenza, come generalmente ogni laborioso ordinamento d’ archivio.

…which I (freely) translate as…

The italicized passages were written using either cipher or unconventional signs; decrypting these (even with the help of Guinigi’s official cipher key) was less to do with patience than with diligence, as is generally the case with laborious archival work.

I couldn’t see in Fumi and Lazzareschi where Guinigi’s “official cipher key” was to be found, but perhaps this will become clear before too long. 🙂

It’s not obvious to me if there are any fully enciphered letters in the GPG. Typical cipher security practice was to destroy letters that had been deciphered (probably by burning, I’d expect), so my guess is that what saved these particular letters was that they were only partly enciphered.

Unfortunately, I can’t see a single scan of a (partly or fully) enciphered letter from the GPG anywhere on the web to verify this (the world of digitization has yet to knock on Lucca’s door, it would seem). Perhaps others will have more luck than me. 😉

List of enciphered letters

There are various series of GPG letters that have italicized sections:

  • [1404] Jacobo de Faitinellis {Roma} – 15, 17-18, 20-29, 31
  • [1405] Jacobo de Faitinellis {Roma} – 33
  • [1406] D. Dino ser Paci {Roma} – 35
  • [1410] Iohanello / Iohanni Thieri – 724-726, 731, 738
  • [1413] Guido da Pietrasanta, Nicolao da Moncicoli, Nicolao Arnolfini – 966
  • [1418] Guido da Pietrasanta, Nicolao da Moncicoli, Nicolao Arnolfini -970

There are also two received letters from 1413 (both from Guido da Pietrasanta, Nicolao da Moncicoli, and Nicolao Arnolfini) on pp.482-483.

Knowing Mark Knowles’ interest in the Barbavara family, I’m sure he’ll be pleased to know that there is correspondence with Gian Galeazzo Visconti’s chancellor Francesco Barbavara (2, 6, 10, 92, 112, 139, 140, 149, 166, 296, 819), and also with Manfredo Barbavara (173). (Though note I have no idea if those particular letters were enciphered.)

According to a news item I found just now, Mary D’Imperio died on 28th May 2020 in Springfield VA, at the age of 90. The details were relayed by her cousin Robert G. D’Imperio.

Voynich researcher Don Hoffman visited her a few times in December 2019 at the nursing home she was in. He put together these notes on her life:

Mary Evelyn D’Imperio
Father – Dominic D’Imperio, born Biccari, Foggia, Italy, 31 August 1888 – 29 July 1965, sculptor, came to America in 1905, settled in Philadelphia, PA.
Mother – Edith Brownback Roberts D’Imperio, born Philadelphia, PA, 1902 – 1977, artist.
Parents married 20 June 1928.
Mary Evelyn D’Imperio born in Germantown, PA on 13 January 1930, an only child
High School – Germantown Friends School, Germantown, PA
College – Radcliffe, majored in comparative philology and classics, graduated 1950, Phi Beta Kappa
             – University of Pennsylvania, for second degree, this time in structural linguistics
She was recruited at her home by the US Government and underwent three days of testing there for her first job – was told by testers that she was one in a million both before testing and after successfully completing it.
Jobs – only one for her entire career – started working for US Government at NSA in 1951 as linguist and cryptanalyst, but thought of herself as a computer programmer – she had thought she was doomed to be a secretary, clerk, teacher or nurse before the government came calling.
She originally worked with an ATLAS I computer and developed a program for text use on computers called Text Macro Compiler (TEMAC) from 1960 to 1962, but got nowhere with male bosses with it because they couldn’t see a use for it & didn’t think it was worthwhile (and she thinks also because she was female and not forceful).
I think she is more proud of her TEMAC work than her Voynich Manuscript work (which she admits she has mostly forgotten).
After retirement she worked as volunteer with entomologist Dave Nickle at the Smithsonian Institution.
1987 to 2006 – frequent contributor to North American Breeding Bird Survey.
Traveled extensively worldwide for pleasure (but only to safe countries), often to bird watch.

In the Voynich field, D’Imperio was a quiet giant, who will always be well remembered for her (1976) book “The Voynich Manuscript – An Elegant Enigma“. I’m sad to hear of her passing. My thoughts are with her family.

Apparently it’s Voynich Art History trivia weekend here at Cipher Mysteries. First up is this and this, both prints of Master E.S.’s “The Visitation” that I found recently:

Master ES (German, active ca. 1450–67) The Visitation, 15th century German
Engraving; sheet: 6 3/16 x 4 11/16 in. (15.7 x 12 cm)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1922 (22.83.2)

Though classily executed, this is clearly (I think) in the same family as Diebold Lauber’s couples and the Voynich Manuscript Virgo roundel couple.

Ex Libris

I also stumbled upon this nice ex libris at the front of a book owned by Auxiliary Bishop Melchior Fattlin of Constance (1490-1548) (and show me a blogger who doesn’t get a guilty kick out of occasionally linking to catholic-hierarchy.org and I’ll show you a big fat liar):

While eerily reminding me of the Voynich Aries zodiac roundel, this also makes me wonder whether the surname “Fattlin” might have some goat- or sheep-related meaning etc.

Banderoles

The other thing I’m wondering about today is banderoles (aka “speech scrolls”). These started as ornate scrolls filled with text in drawings and paintings, more or less equivalent to modern speech bubbles (e.g. the former by the angel Gabriel, the latter by Garfield).

In the 15th century, these were a favourite of the Master of the Banderoles (active 1450-1475), who Wikipedia rather sniffily describes as a “crude” and “clumsy” copyist of Master E.S. and Rogier van der Weyden.

Here’s a much nicer example from Paris, BnF, lat. 11978, roughly 1450-1472:

Why am I interested in banderoles? Because I can’t see anything that better describes the lines of text spiralling out both from the inverted T-O map and the wolkenband on Voynich Manuscript f68v3.

Codicologically, my suspicion here is that the drawing f68v3 came from was itself derived from a French (specifically Parisian) original, but that that predecessor had only had the four seasons’ banderoles added. The extra four banderoles seem to have been added here as an additional construction layer. That is, I suspect that if you looked under a microscope at the boundaries where the extra four banderoles join on to the wolkenband, you would see the marks where the wolkenband was drawn but then erased to add in the extra four banderoles.

Having said that, I haven’t yet found a single fifteenth century astronomical drawing with banderole-style annotation. Perhaps this is something we should be looking for.