Here’s a nice story about Walt Singlevich, that I found in “The U.S. Air Force’s Long Range Detection Program and Project MOGUL” by James Michael Young in Air Power History (2020 winter).

Walt Singlevich

Young writes: “During the Second World War, Singlevich worked for DuPont but was assigned to the Manhattan Project at Oak Ridge“; and then in 1952 became head of Technical Directorate 4 (TD-4), Radiometrics, at AFOAT-1, which was the part of the US Air Force that was trying to detect [Soviet] nuclear explosions from afar.

By 1952, AFOAT-1 had given up trying to listen for the sound of nuclear explosions (which is basically what Project Mogul had tried [but failed] to do), and so instead were sending planes and balloons up to ‘scoop up’ high-altitude air. This was then taken back to the lab and tested for radioactive residue. But to make sure this worked, AFOAT-1 had to conduct its own (small-scale) nuclear tests and then sample the cloud downwind. Young continues:

During one nuclear test, as the prevailing winds pushed the nuclear cloud southeast towards Texas, the contaminated balloon landed close to a ranch in the Roswell area. Singlevich flew out to recover the debris, and his pilot landed the helicopter in a small, adjacent valley out of sight of the ranch. Both donned their protective gear that included a suit, hood, and respirator. As luck would have it, the two neared the debris just as a woman from the ranch arrived on the scene. According to Walt, she took one look at the two, gasped, and then fainted. They both ensured she was OK, then gathered the debris and ran for the helicopter. Singlevich surmised that with his height, approximately five feet two inches, and outfitted in his strange protective gear, he must have appeared to her as an alien being.

Over the decades, Singlevich received numerous accolades for his work at AFOAT-1: he received the Air Force Exceptional Service Award (twice), along with the Presidential Award for Meritorious Executive and the Presidential rank of Distinguished Executive. But perhaps he felt his greatest achievement was being mistaken for a Roswell alien. For how on earth (literally) can you top that?

In his later years, Walt found the encounter with the woman from the ranch humorous and would joke that he was one of the Roswell aliens. Given his remarkable expertise in nuclear materials, and his vast knowledge and innovations that advanced the LRD program and the AEDS, perhaps he was.

While writing up my last post on Roswell meteorology, I noticed that Duke Gildenberg – who presented himself as a UFO arch-skeptic more and more as he got older – appeared to make some assertions about the very first big UFO incident of the 1947 ‘flap’: the Kenneth Arnold UFO sighting. Firstly, Gildenberg’s “Roswell Requiem” article in Skeptic magazine [Vol. 10, number 1, 2003] has this right at the start of his claimed Roswell timeline:

June-July [1947]—UFO reports generated by Mogul balloons from Alamogordo AAF, NM, and balloon clusters out of Colorado.

To which you might reasonably respond (as I did), “Colorado, wtf?” No, it clearly wasn’t a typo, because Gildenberg then goes on to say (also on p.62):

Throughout June and July of 1947, Professor Moore’s NYU team launched Mogul balloons from Alamogordo AAF, while another NYU group launched similar balloon clusters out of Colorado (generating more UFO reports).

So, it’s a “another NYU group” who were launching “similar balloon clusters out of Colorado”. He then, in 2004, repeated basically the same claim in his Skeptical Inquirer article, but with a very obvious difference:

There were also sightings in the summer of 1947 in the western and northwestern United States. A 1949 Air Force investigation (Trakowski 1949) could not correlate those sightings with Project Mogul, but the Air Force was unaware of a Navy program launching cluster balloons in Colorado that same summer. Coordination between branches of the military was limited in the years just following World War II. Accordingly, the dilemma of that 1949 report added fuel to a developing UFO mythology.

So… now Gildenberg is saying it’s “a Navy program launching cluster balloons in Colorado that same summer”. So it’s an NYU group (as per his 2003 article) and a Navy program (as per his 2004 article), right? But he concludes his whole thought (in his 2004 article) to reprise the same thing he put at the top of his claimed Roswell timeline, but slightly stronger this time round:

Clusters of weather balloons launched from both New Mexico and Colorado triggered reports of flying saucers sighted in formations throughout the West.

I think the keyword “formations” is the clincher here: Gildenberg’s not just trying to use cluster balloons to explain away Roswell, he’s also trying to use them to explain away Kenneth Arnold’s UFO sighting – arguably the start of the whole 1947 UFO ‘flap’.

Charles Moore on Colorado

In the witness interview with Charles Moore in the Roswell Report, he talks with not a little confusion about an article that appeared in Alamogordo News on the 10th July 1947 (transcribed here on Patrick Gross’ very useful site). This was where Captain Lawrenz (“Larry”) Dyvad and various others pretended that it was they who were doing the Project Mogul launches (and not NYU). Moore specifically mentions that he thought this was a US Army cover-up to try to protect Project Mogul:

This is a coverup right here because they talk about our operations, they talk about our balloons we thought went to Colorado, and they all claim it to be part of Pritchard’s radar operation.

Moore was also bemused because Dyvad and the others seemed to know all his balloon-launching tricks (including his balloon-boiling trick, and his step-ladder trick), which he didn’t think anyone else knew.

If this is correct, the summer 1947 Project Mogul timeline would appear to be something closer to this:

  • 28th June 1947 – NYU and AMS people arrive (the “Alamogordo II” project phase)
    • This includes the US Navy’s Lt. Harris F. Smith
    • Lt. Smith appears to have brought Helios balloon cluster tie-plates with him
  • 8th July 1947 – Most of the NYU / AMS project people leave
  • 9th July 1947 – Capt Dyvad give a fake interview with the Alamogordo News
  • Subsequently, cluster balloons would have been shipped to Colorado
  • More cluster balloon tests would have been done in Colorado

As an aside, the McAndrew report transcribes Moore as saying: “There’s Newt Goldenberg, you mentioned him earlier in one of our conversations. That’s one of our altitude controls.” Which I can only really interpret as a mishearing / misreading of “Duke Gildenberg”.

Alamogordo News details…

Incidentally, the Alamogordo News article included some interesting details, such as optimal launch time:

“[…] showed the early morning hours of from five to six to be the most successful to gain the 30 to 40-thousand feet altitudes attained by the device”

Also, it’s probably not hugely relevant but I thought I ought to relay the single mention of Colorado:

“The radar has been successful, he explained, up to 40 miles, while some of the balloon-towed groups have gone as far as Colorado.”

The people listed in the article were:

  • Major C. M. Mangnum
  • Lt. S. W. Seigel
  • Major W. D. Pritchard
  • Capt. L. H. Dyvad

Charles Moore admitted to knowing Captain Larry Dyvad (a pilot who worked for the Army’s Air Materiel Command, and who was based at Alamogordo), but claimed not to have heard of the others. Yet Albert Crary’s journal mentions meeting Pritchard twelve times betwen December 1946 and April 1947, e.g. the entry for 7th April 1947:

“Talked to [Major W. D.] Pritchard re 3rd car for tomorrow. Gave him memo of progress report for MOGUL project to date…”

“Major C. M. Mangum” would appear to be Cledous Mathew Mangum, who I found a reference to as the 1951 author of “Paperclip or Project 63 Personnel” at the Environmental Division, White Sands Missile Range, New Mexico. He was Deputy for Operations at Holloman in 1952, and retired in 1959.

Kenneth Arnold’s 1947 UFO sighting

Where was I going with all this? My point was that I can’t help but conclude that Duke Gildenberg set out to shovel a bit of skeptical dirt at Kenneth Arnold’s famous 24th June 1947 UFO sighting.

Arnold’s sighting was of “a diagonally stepped-down echelon formation” of nine shiny things, that he thought were moving terrifically fast. Intriguingly, similar light formations were reported by other people close to the same location: L. G. Bernier of Richland, WA; Ethel Wheelhouse of Yakima, WA; a member of the Washington State forest service; and Sidney B. Gallagher.

What Gildenberg appears to have tried to do was dismiss these as early cluster balloon sightings. Yet it’s not so easy to make these phenomena historically line up. The first documented actual Project Helios balloon flight was from September 1947; while for Project Mogul, there were very few Helios-configuration balloons – #7, #8, #9 according to Charles Moore, but only #7 according to the table in the McAndrew report.

To be fair, I can see how the lifter cluster (the top part) could possibly fly away, let loose by the 35,000 feet detonator, never to be seen again. But that would surely only be for polyethylene balloons? A neoprene balloon lifter cluster would surely have burst relatively quickly?

Finally, it seems likely to me (from Charles Moore’s description) that the NYU group did launch more cluster balloon tests from Colorado later in the year. But these could only have been much later than the Kenneth Arnold sighting, so it’s extraordinarily unlikely to have been the cause of that.

So, all in all, I’d say that it appears Gildenberg may have been trying a bit too hard to play to the skeptical gallery here.

The starting point here is my personal belief that the Roswell Incident was a (horribly unethical) post-WWII stratospheric-balloon biophysics experiment that went horribly wrong.

However, there is a competing balloon account to consider: B. D. “Duke” Gildenberg told Craig Ryan (reported in pp. 20-21 of the latter’s book “The Pre-Astronauts”) that:

One of the first postwar manned balloon flights sponsored by the military was launched from the Tularosa Basin in 1947 with the intent of crossing the Rockies and landing somewhere along the Eastern Seaboard. Unfortunately, the entire flight’s supply of ballast was expended in the crossing of the Sacramento range to the east of Alamogordo and the balloon’s journey ended just short of Roswell. A potential embarrassment, the aborted continental crossing was kept quiet and the pilot’s name never released. “We were naive as hell,” explained one of the NYU scientists.

Gildenberg worked on Project Mogul (though not yet in summer 1947, I believe) and then on Moby Dick, Gopher, Project 7218, Project 7222, Project Manhigh, Project Stargazer and Project Excelsior, which were all stratospheric balloon projects (see here, here, and here). He was also a friend of Charlie Moore. As the civilian meteorologist, engineer, and physical science administrator at AFB Holloman from 1951-1981, his special skill was predicting where a balloon would come down (“Gildenberg Never Brought a Balloon Down More than 1/4 Mile from its Target“). And note that Gildenberg also wrote “Roswell Requiem“, and a guide to how many of the Skyhook balloon missions were mistaken for UFOs. So we shouldn’t take his account lightly.

In the end, though, because balloons are unpowered, meteorology is king. So, what does meteorology have to say about all this? Can it help us choose which of these two balloon accounts is more likely?

The Meteorology of Stratospheric Balloons

There are essentially two key phases to a stratospheric balloon launch. Once you’ve managed to get away from near-earth wind patterns (and note that a proper sized balloon should get you to the stratosphere in half an hour or so), you’re in the realm of very much simpler wind patterns.

Yet, to avoid most of those low-level wind turbulence (most noticeable in the afternoons and near mountains), there’s actually quite a simple hack: launch just before dawn, when the air is densest (and so your balloon’s relative lift is maximised).

As far as the high-altitude weather goes: if you want to go up and not really get blown far away, the place you want to be is right on top of a broad high pressure feature. Conversely, if you want to hitch a fast ride from the Tularosa Basin all the way to the Eastern Seaboard, you’d be looking for bunched up isobars (for speed) going in the direction you want, and well away from a high pressure feature.

Duke Gildenberg also offered the following generalisation in his McAndrew Report witness statement, which I’d note also runs somewhat counter to his Roswell balloon account:

Balloon trajectories in New Mexico below the tropopause, are predominantly towards the east-northeast, when launched from Holloman AFB with the exception of July and August when balloons remained over the Holloman area. At high altitude, above the tropopause, trajectories are generally westerly during the summer and easterly during the spring, fall, and winter.

So I think that gives us a straightforward test as to whether Duke Gildenberg’s balloon account was correct: on 3rd-4th July 1947, where was the nearest high pressure feature?

The Meteorology of Roswell

As an aside, Project Helios had planned to do its first stratospheric balloon launch on 21st June 1947. However, I’m sure that would have been contingent on the launch site being near the middle of a big fat high pressure feature on the day. If not, the actual launch day would have been delayed until such time as the Sky Gods were smiling.

So what did the weather over Alamogordo look like on 1st-5th July 1947? Very helpfully, you can download historical synoptic weather maps from here. Let’s look at the sequence:

1st July 1947:

2nd July 1947:

3rd July 1947:

4th July 1947:

5th July 1947:

What do these tell us?

I think these are telling us that as far as a stratospheric balloon launch from the Tularosa Basin would have gone:

  • the 1st July 1947 (Tuesday) was tolerably good
  • the 2nd July 1947 (Wednesday) was much better
  • the 3rd July 1947 (Thursday) was pretty much optimal
  • the 4th July 1947 (Friday) was a little worse
  • the 5th July 1947 (Saturday) was worse again

Really, though, all five days seem to have been pretty good candidates for stratospheric balloon launches (with the 3rd July 1947 being the best of the bunch). Conversely, none of the days would have been even remotely good for “crossing the Rockies and landing somewhere along the Eastern Seaboard“. So it seems that, if the dates are correct for Roswell, Duke Gildenberg’s account of the balloon flight was a bit of a busted flush, sorry. Against it sit both the meteorology maps and his own McAndrew witness account (pp. 166-168).

All of which is a bit of a mystery in itself, because there’s no doubt in my mind that Duke Gildenberg genuinely did know his stuff. So why did he get this so diametrically wrong? He claimed in 1992 to Berliner and Friedman that he had been “part of the launch crew” for Project Mogul, but it’s not clear to me that he was there in the summer of 1947. So I think there’s a high chance that his statement to Craig Ryan was based on something reported to him by someone else who was there, probably the same “NYU scientist” who said that “[they] were naive as hell“. Regardless, the balloon part of it seems to have been false.

But then… who was that NYU scientist? And why did they tell Gildenberg a fake / cover story? Really, you might also ask the question of what Project Helios got in return for providing Project Mogul with all the cluster technology.

“A man is found dead in the desert, next to an open package. How did he die?”

Many will immediately recognise this puzzle format, which became popular for a few years thanks to the 1967 publication of Edward de Bono’s “The Use of Lateral Thinking”. Nowadays, de Bono’s whole “Lateral Thinking” fad is long forgotten, because – in truth – all it really claimed was that not all puzzles yield to linear analysis, so sometimes to get to an answer you’ve got to shake the tree a bit.

Fast-forward now to Peter Senge’s (1990) “The Fifth Discipline: The Art & Practice of The Learning Organization”, which introduced holistic problem-solving to many. This is the idea that reducing complex systems to individual components can make some problems impossible to solve, because you’re not looking at the big picture. I should also point out that this is oddly reminiscent of Douglas Adams’ book “Dirk Gently’s Holistic Detective Agency” (1987) and its sequels, where seemingly unrelated events turn out to be connected in surprising ways.

But if you’re looking for a funkier, 2020s take on problem-solving under uncertainty that somehow reboots and refreshes these angles, I suspect your search will be in vain. (Perhaps that’s a book I should write?) All in all, the best advice currently on offer for genuinely hard problems would seem to be:

  1. Shake the tree a bit;
  2. Make sure you see the full picture; and (if all else fails)
  3. Ask Dirk Gently.

Roswell as a Lateral Thinking Puzzle

Let’s now lean hard into the witness-centred version of Roswell that appears in Carey & Schmitt’s book “Roswell: The Ultimate Cold Case”, and present that in the same puzzle format:

“A round-ended metal capsule with no engine or life support system is found in the arroyo. It contains three small alien-looking people, two of whom are dead, while the third cannot speak. Two other sites are found a few miles away, one with many shards of paper-thin metal debris, plus fragments of lightweight I-beams with unknown writing on.”

This, I believe, is an (only very slightly) stripped-down version of the puzzle the US Army was faced with in 1947. I further believe that the US Army:

  1. Latched onto a false solution (i.e. that it was an alien spacecraft);
  2. Covered that up as an issue of national security;
  3. Terrorised witnesses and concealed evidence as far as possible; and
  4. Has, ever since then, kept covering up the messes left by its previous coverups.

Why on earth did the US Army act like this? And, moreover, why does it continue to act like this even now? What kind of mad confuddlery is going on here?

The birth of the “Secrecy Silo State”

To me, Roswell is a symptom of something much, much bigger, which in 1947 had only really just begun: the modern US security state. Though this was made official by the National Security Act (enacted 26th July 1947), the ideas behind it – to create a peacetime security state based on the wartime security state – had already started to be put into practice by President Truman, Oppenheimer, Groves, Conant et al.

This took the set of wartime management practices used by the Manhattan Project and similar tech projects, and codified them into a peacetime management toolkit. The heart of this involved using secrecy not as a choice, but as a de facto starting point for everything. The default position was to disclose nothing, and (later) refuse to confirm or deny anything: and, as per the CIA, use plausible deniability. The state gave no transparency, no accountability, no access: the media were controlled, licensed, sanctioned, and quickly leash-yanked back into line if they started to dig in a ‘wrong’ place.

We can see this with Operation Crossroads in 1946: despite being planned very much as nuclear success theatre, many things went wrong (for example, the first test’s [“Able”] bomb [“Gilda”] missed its target by 649m; decontamination was almost impossible; and so on) and journalists proved much harder to force into line than expected. David Bradley subsequently wrote that “the accounts of the actual explosions, however well intended, were liberally seasoned with fantasy and superstition, and the results of the tests have remained buried in the vaults of military security“.

So, secrecy and accountability were immediate casualties of the new security state. But another wartime management practice accompanied secrecy: silos. Secrets were actively held and managed in small local silos – groups, teams, committees, even individuals. There was no global secrecy, just lots of local secrecy.

And this is, I think, what people often fail to grasp about America since WWII: it’s not that it’s a state that is built on secrets, but it’s a state that is built on lots of silos of secrets, all jealously owned and gatekeeped (gatekept?) by different groups and interests. And which rarely fit together.

The Problem With Silos

You’ve probably already worked out the rest of the arc here, but I’ll be explicit: as Peter Senge highlighted, you really need to see the big picture in order to solve particularly complex problems. And silos full of secrets make that almost impossible to achieve.

Because secrecy silos often isolate problem-solvers from conflicting information and opinions, they can often act as what we now call “echo chambers”, amplifying bad ideas and interpretations, which then (thanks to the way the silo is isolated) can get locked in. My belief is that this is precisely what happened with Roswell: a bad conclusion (about aliens who weren’t aliens) became a gospel truth, one so dangerous that it had to be immediately covered up (and then kept covered up).

Many people have written about the practical issues of secrecy, including Timothy Melley (whose book “Covert Spheres” on this subject I’m currently waiting for). A Professor of English Literature, Melley argues that literature becomes a way that people use to help imagine what the state is “getting up to” inside a secrecy state.

However, I think there’s a big difference between a secrecy state (i.e. one where the state monolithically holds secrets, so that you can talk meaningfully about a ‘government conspiracy’) and a secrecy silo state (i.e. one where lots of silos hold secrets, but not in a joined-up kind of way). For example, The X-Files told stories not only about The Syndicate (an archetypical silo of secrets) but also about lots of other groups holding secrets: yet unless you’re carefully tracking the overall story arc, people often think it’s about a single monolithic government conspiracy, jumpscare lolz, and whether Mulder and Scully are going to finally have sex. So maybe it’s all a bit more complex than the way Melley presents it.

But local silos also lead to disjointed management decisions based on partial (and often incorrect) knowledge, and leadership being forced to make macro decisions based on conflicting reports and opinions. You don’t have to look far into the history of the CIA to to see how this plays out geopolitically – Bay of Pigs, U2 spy plane, etc. I further suspect that bad decision-making built on the culture of secrecy silos played out on even bigger geopolitical stages – weakening Russia so much that it empowered the rise of Putin. But that’s another story.

Roswell 1947

So for me, because Operation Crossroads was in the Pacific, the Roswell Incident seems to have been the very first time that the modern US secrecy silo state was properly tested on US soil, with ordinary people caught in the middle of it all. And the US Army failed every test – they abused human rights in the service of controlling the narrative, covering up something that they didn’t even remotely understand (then or now), simply because that was how the whole modern state apparatus now ‘rolled’.

And as far as I can tell, it is still failing every test to do with Roswell. And you don’t need to be Dirk Gently to figure that one out.

“And you’re 100% sure this won’t be traced back to me?”, the sweaty man asked a little nervously. “I mean, my wife Mandyleen thought I shouldn’t meet you, but tonight’s her Krav Maga club night. Yeah, if you came at her with a knife, you’d get a broken wrist [he snapped his fingers proudly] like that.”

I laughed. “I’ll just pretend it’s fiction. We never really met, did we? And especially not just around the corner from SAPOL? Of course not! That would be far too… fantastical.”

Previously I’d had to endure forty minutes of relentless Ashes sledging from this Les Patterson-styled forensic sararyman, until I finally ‘admitted’ that, yes, the 2025 Aussie bowlers had left me as sad as Joe Root’s mum. And then after that, he’d told me about how he always wanted a son called Hurtle, but had ended up with twins (Hayley and Dayley) at medical school, and that they had creepy-looking doppelganger Japanese boyfriends, both called Ken. He’d shown me the WhatsApps. Which was nice.

To be honest, I had more than a fleeting suspicion that my nervous insider had downed a couple in the arvo before we met up. But I didn’t mind, because the drunker he got, the more it felt as though he was preparing to spill his filthy guts. The floodgates were trembling: I signalled for two more schooners.

“And I expect you want to know all about the Somerton Man? Now, what a shitshow and a half that was.”

The floodgates had opened.

= = = = = = = = = = = =

“Me, I like West Terrace, I’ve got a couple of great-aunts resting eternally there. But the whole exhumation thing? I didn’t care for it, it seemed like a giant barbie for a tiny prawn. But once that Professor guy got politicians on-side, they all wanted a bit of our cold case DNA magic.”

“So, did you do the familial DNA for the Suzanne Poll cold case? And for the North Adelaide rapist?”

“My team did”, he crowed. “Clever buggers, I love ’em all. But…” – he looked down at his empty glass – “that was before ‘Summy M’ came along, and wrecked the show. Wrecked my bloody show.”

I passed him his next schooner of Coopers Pale. “So, what happened? I mean, the exhumation was in May 2021, that seems a long time ago.”

“It was! Everyone else in the office thought it would be a stroll in the park: swab ‘im, stick it in the machines, bonza job, off to the Power at the weekend. I wasn’t so confident, but even I was surprised when nothing – and I mean nothing – went to plan. We’d have had more luck sequencing a Fritz Bung.”

“So what was the problem?”

He took a healthy glug, nearly draining the oddly small glass, and sat back with a wry smile. “It took me a while – probably longer than it should have – to figure it all out, but I reckon you might know already.”

“Nope, no idea.”

He looked across the table, narrowing his eyes. “So tell me: what’s the difference between an onion and a pickled onion?”

I again shook my head.

“One stings your eyes, the other stings your arse.” He laughed, then quickly looked uncomfortable. “Only in this case, the joke was on us. We were the arse. And jeez, it stung like hell.”

= = = = = = = = = = = =

“I’m sorry, I still don’t get it.”

“Look: what do you taste when you bite into a pickled onion?”

“Regret?”

He rolled his eyes. “I wasn’t asking for a punchline. You taste pickle – vinegar. And that not only masks pretty much all the funky sulfury onion-tasting stuff, it also denatures all the proteins. It’s a lot less of an onion after it’s been pickled.”

I frowned. “So, the formaldehyde SAPOL injected into the Somerton Man’s veins, that pickled him too?”

“Actually, formaldehyde fragments DNA, it cross‑links to it and it degrades it. What starts as DNA ends up as nasty, sticky goo. We all knew about this beforehand, but thought: yeah, yeah, we’ll find a way around it. But we never did. The poor bugger was worse than pickled. His closest DNA match was to a gherkin.”

“And that was basically your DNA report that took two years to do?”

“Yup”. He shook his head glumly. “So our bosses now think we’re a bunch of idiots.”

“But what about hair analysis? Nail analysis? Teeth enamel analysis? All that clever stuff you promised at the start?”

“Mate, this is South Australia, not M.I.T. The money was for DNA, and that’s where it went. In the end, we had a bit of cash left over for a forensic odontology report, but that was basically how it all panned out.”

“Hmmm”, I said. “Not heaps good”.

“Yeah”, he said. “Heaps not good at all. Another schooner? I could murder a pickled onion.”

It’s a phenomenon that’s been growing recently: lots of Chinese addresses in the Cipher Mysteries weblogs, to the point that maybe even 20% of all visitors here are from China – from all over China. Maybe I’m missing something big? So please excuse me while I ask my Chinese visitors what they hope to see here…

各位來自中國的訪客大家好!我很高興見到你們這麼多人!請告訴我你為什麼來這裡?如果您想在這裡閱讀某個特定的謎團,請在此頁面上發表評論。謝謝你!

Here’s a fun modern-looking enciphered document for you, of the kind that Klaus Schmeh used to like so much. I found it via a post by Richard Brisson (www.ultrasecret.ca) on cryptocollectors: note that this “Manoscritto misterioso” sold for 250 Euros. Here’s how the eBay seller described it (translated from Italian):

A manuscript book of unknown, non-ancient origin, written entirely in an indecipherable language composed of symbols, signs, and words. The pages feature colorful illustrations, diagrams, and visually striking figures.

The volume comprises 108 pages, 21×21 cm in size, traditionally bound. Each page is different, densely detailed, and rich with elements that seem to belong to an unknown language or culture. The work has an ancient and mysterious aura, difficult to place, and retains a special charm that invites exploration. Ideal for collectors, artists, scholars, or lovers of mystery, secret codes, and extraordinary manuscripts. A rare, fascinating, and one-of-a-kind object.

(Some photos show examples of the inside pages. Tracked shipping, careful packaging.)

Well, obviously there’s a bit of a Voynich influence going on (the castle is a bit of a giveaway), but – unless you know better? – it looks more like a fun art project (kind of a poor man’s Codex Seraphinianus) than some kind of Rosicrucian secret. More simulacrum than simulation, let’s say. So I’m guessing its cipher can’t actually be broken, but I could easily be wrong.

Here are the pictures the seller (and I suspect the item’s creator) uploaded. Enjoy!

For context, I’m trying to read the last chapter of Carl Webb’s (the Somerton Man) life, i.e. between 31st May 1947 (the last glimpse of him in the Melbourne small ads) and 1st December 1948 (when he was found dead on Somerton Beach, near Adelaide).

The high levels of lead in his system (found by spectroscopically analysing his hair) now makes me wonder whether he might have been working in or near Port Pirie (140 miles north of Adelaide), which back then had the biggest smelting company in the world: Broken Hill Associated Smelters, Pty. Ltd. There are lots of photos in the archives from 1918:

Much of the BHAS company archives has ended up in the University of Melbourne’s archives as shelfmark [1969.0006], comprising 247 linear shelf metres and 1710 individual units. Filltering the date range to 1/1/1948 to 31/12/1948 yields 242 units: so I decided to grind through those and see what I found.

What I found

The first thing to note is that this archival set appears to have been reorganised and culled a number of times over the years: and the final indexing appears incomplete (where are units 1080, 1093, 1095, 1100, 1102, etc?) or sometimes duplicated (there are closer to 200 unique units than 242). So it’s far from clear to me how much employee identification has managed to survive those purges.

Still, the units that seem most promising for a snapshot into BHAS employees in 1948 are:

  • Unit 1089 (staff / general)
  • Unit 1098 (engineering applications)
  • Unit 1114 (accident fund)
  • Unit 1112 (dental clinic)
  • Unit 1076 (overtime)
  • Unit 1087 (complaints)

The full list of 1948 employee-related Units

  • Unit 0848 Group 5 – company papers – welfare – employees: general; housing
  • Unit 0886 Port Pirie Plant – applications: clerks numbers 1-3. Previous control number 32
  • Unit 1075 Port Pirie Plant – employees general: 30.1.15 suggestion 6 March 1947-25 November 1952; 30.1.21 Citizens’ Military Force 8 December 1948-17 April 1953; 30.1.23 hostels general 20 September 1949-30 January 1953. Previous control number 217
  • Unit 1076 Port Pirie Plant – employees general: 30.1.4 applications tradesmen 17 January 1951-4 February 1953; 30.1.10 overtime 4 October 1946-10 February 1953; 30.1.14 refrigerator purchase scheme 6 February 1947-2 September 1953. Previous control number 216
  • Unit 1078 Port Pirie Plant – employees education: 30.2.1 general 23 July 1947-22 January 1953; 30.2.3 apprentices general 6 November 1946-26 June 1950; cadets applications 1948-30 January 1953. Previous control number 218
  • Unit 1079 Port Pirie Plant – employees education: 30.2.11 supervision/management training 1 June 1947-24 November 1950; 30.2.12 apprentices applications 1948-23 November 1950. Previous control number 221
  • Unit 1081 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff trips: 30.5.29 Hopkins, John 1 January 1947-1 March 1950; 20.5.30 Ball, A.C. 1 January 1947-12 October 1948. Previous control number 242
  • Unit 1082 Port Pirie Plant: 30.2.16 staff training general 11 February 1947-11 November 1948; 30.2.18 employees – metallurgical cadets 1 January 1952-28 February 1953; 30.2.19 employees – metallurgical cadets scheme 1 June 1951-28 February 1953; report – J.G. McMaster, Diploma course at Port Pirie Technical School 11 October 1950. Previous control number 223.
  • Unit 1083 Port Pirie Plant – employees – safety first: 30.3.11 clothing 1 January 1947-16 February 1952; 30.3.12 equipment 1 January 1947-29 August 1952; 30.3.13 general 1 January 1947-1 December 1952. Previous control number 225
  • Unit 1084 Port Pirie Plant – employees – hygiene: 30.3.1 safety general 1 January 1947-28 November 1952; 30.3.2 diseases 1 January 1947-6 May 1952; 30.3.8 general 1 January 1947-18 August 1952. Previous control number 224
  • Unit 1085 Port Pirie Plant: 30.3.14 employees – safety first minutes of meeting. Previous control number 226
  • Unit 1086 Port Pirie Plant – employees – labour matters: 30.4.1 general 1 January 1947-4 October 1950; 30.4.15 complaints, reprimands 1 January 1947-14 October 1952; wharf labour 1 January 1947-8 November 1951. Previous control number 227
  • Unit 1087 Port Pirie Plant – employees: 30.4.18 labour matters labour force 27 August 1951-28 February 1953; 30.4.19 labour matters Wardang Island 1 January 1947-31 March 1950; 30.4.30 industrial metal trades award 1 January 1947-30 June 1953. Previous control number 229
  • Unit 1089 Port Pirie Plant: 30.5.1 employees – staff general. Previous control number 231
  • Unit 1090 Port Pirie Plant: 30.4.23 employees – labour matters basic wage rate. Previous control number 230
  • Unit 1091 Port Pirie Plant – employees: 30.5.3 staff housing Risdon Park 10 July 1951-18 June 1952; 30.5.6 Staff Club 1 January 1947-28 February 1952. Previous control number 233
  • Unit 1092 Port Pirie Plant: 30.5.3 employees – welfare housing Balmoral Estate. Previous control number 232
  • Unit 1094 Port Pirie Plant: 30.5.7 employees – staff – staff trips general. Previous control number 234
  • Unit 1096 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff trips: 30.5.9 F. Whitworth 1 January 1947-31 December 1947; 30.5.10 Frank Greene 19 July 1937-4 October 1952. Previous control number 236
  • Unit 1097 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff applications: 30.5.12 accounting and secretarial 4 August 1948-4 July 1951; 30.5.13 stenographic 1 January 1947-28 February 1952. Previous control number 237
  • Unit 1098 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff applications: 30.5.14 technical 14 January 1949-4 January 1951; 30.5.15 engineering 1 January 1947-18 April 1952. Previous control number 238
  • Unit 1099 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff applications: 30.5.16 draughtsmen 5 January 1949-31 May 1950; 30.5.17 filing officer 1 January 1947-7 July 1947. Previous control number 239
  • Unit 1101 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff: 30.5.27 appointments – construction shift superintendents 1 January 1947-30 December 1947; 30.5.28 executive trainee 5 January 1945-22 October 1952. Previous control number 241
  • Unit 1103 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff: 30.5.33 Young R.G.; 30.5.35 Messrs. Murie and Haney. Previous control number 244
  • Unit 1104 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff: 30.5.31 appointments personnel assistant; 30.5.32 trips R.J. Hopkins and D.R. Blaskett. Previous control number 243
  • Unit 1105 Port Pirie Plant – employees: 30.5.39 staff Ms. Norris (correspondence); 30.5.42 staff trips – Messrs. McDonald and Butcher. Previous control number 246
  • Unit 1106 Port Pirie Plant – employees: 30.5.36 staff appointments assistant works metallurgist; 30.5.37 staff housing. Previous control number 245
  • Unit 1109 Port Pirie Plant – employees – welfare: 30.6.1 general; 30.6.6 cooperative council general; 30.6.7 cooperative store general. Previous control number 250
  • Unit 1110 Port Pirie Plant – employees – staff trips: 30.5.48 Mr. Haney and March; 30.5.49 Mr. White and Whitworth. Previous control number 249
  • Unit 1112 Port Pirie Plant – employees – welfare: 30.6.8 dental clinic general 1 January 1947-28 February 1953; 30.6.9 Port Pirie Cooperative Community Society 13 March 1945-7 June 1950. Previous control number 251
  • Unit 1113 Port Pirie Plant – employees – welfare: 30.5.11 eyesight conservation; 30.6.12 housing – assistance general; 30.6.14 cooperative council accounts. Previous control number 254
  • Unit 1114 Port Pirie Plant: 30.6.10 – employees – welfare – accident fund general. Previous control number 253

Every fule kno that plucky professor Derek Abbott somehow (let’s not dwell on the details) got hold of a hair embedded in a plaster cast made of the Somerton Man, and then got his students to laser-zap it, revealing a spectroscopic timeline for the last fortnight or so of his life. The most headline-grabbing graph was for lead (which looked as though he had suffered a lead poisoning event some two weeks before his death. But the arsenic graph may also have an interesting tale to tell…

Arsenic and Old Lace

The Somerton Man’s arsenic graph appears on p.20 of Professor Abbott’s students’ “Final Report“:

Even though arsenic has long been known as a poison (it was used to kill people in Roman times, and also by the Borgias, charmers that they were), it was also revived by Thomas Fowler in 1786 as part of his treatment (“cure” would be too strong a word) for syphilis, in the form of Fowler’s Solution (1% potassium arsenite [KAsO2] in water). This solution then fell out of favour, before being revived in 1931 by Forkner and Scott at Boston City Hospital for the treatment of chronic myeloid leukemia [CML] (see Jolliffe (1993), p.288). Until bulsuphan was introduced in 1953, Jolliffe says, Fowler’s Solution was (in combination with radiotherapy) the standard treatment for CML.

But look back at the above graph (which is time-reversed): the level of arsenic is linearly rising. Either the Somerton Man was being poisoned (remember that his death wasn’t found to be arsenic-related) or he was being treated with an arsenic-based medicine, which was slowly accumulating in his blood stream.

Splenomegaly

At his death, the Somerton Man was found to have an enlarged spleen (AKA “he was suffering from splenomegaly”). Circa 1948, the first sign of chronic myeloid leukemia was an enlarged spleen.

So I strongly suspect that, not long before his death, the Somerton Man had seen a doctor, who had had noted his enlarged spleen, (mis-)diagnosed CML, and started him on a course of Fowler’s Solution. Now, I’m not saying that was the actual cause of his enlarged spleen, just that a doctor thought it was the cause. Given his lead graph, I think it’s actually far more likely that this was enlarged due to lead poisoning, but the doctor got it wrong. Given the systematic medical abuse of workers by mining and smelting companies detailed in Richard Gillespie’s (1990) article (which I discussed previously), I can’t help but suspect that this was not a provincial doctor making a mistake, but a sophisticated “conservative” company doctor passing the corporate buck by diagnosing anything – anything at all – but lead poisoning.

Moving the lead incident back two more weeks

Also: given the linear (time-reversed) rise in the arsenic graph, I believe we can also extrapolate that whole time series backwards. This would predict that the Somerton Man saw a doctor about 1-2 weeks before the hair data starts, i.e. some three or four (possibly even five) weeks before his actual death. So I also suspect that the spectroscopic time series captured in his (single) hair would, had the hair been longer, have yielded a much higher lead peak some four weeks before his death.

However, I’d flag that it’s also possible that there might have not actually been an accident: the drop in lead levels might simply be because he had been forced to give up his shitty job at the smelters because of his enlarged (and misdiagnosed) spleen. His raised lead blood levels might simply have been because he had been working in the baghouse at the smelters for some time.

Raised Strontium levels

The Somerton Man’s strontium levels also raised in the last four or five days of his life, which I suspect may well point to a change in his environment.

Received wisdom circa 1948 was that if you worked with lead, you should drink plenty of milk. I believe that this is actually true, but only if you drink milk before you are exposed to lead, not after (which wasn’t really appreciated back in 1948). So I’m wondering if perhaps the Somerton Man carried on drinking milk, but this rise in strontium might be from a change in milk supplier? (As I understand it, strontium is a congener of calcium, but please feel free to slap my schoolboy chemistry down.) There must surely be GIS maps showing strontium concentration / bioavailability etc, but that’s a task for another day.

Regardless, I wonder whether the upward lurch in strontium was triggered by a change in dairy: so for example, if he had been in Pirie Hospital, but then moved somewhere else in the last few days of his life.