I’ve had an intriguing email from Cipher Mysteries commenter Paul Relkin concerning the Hollow River Cipher.

He had thought to contact Linda Outcalt, whose (inverted) photograph of Sterling Ramsay was on the cover of his book “folklore prince edward island”. (Though the book credits only mention Hilda Woolnough.) Ms Outcalt suggested he should instead contact Harry Holman, “a prominent archivist for the Prince Edward Island government”. Paul continues:

This was a great suggestion! Mr. Holman was not only familiar with the Hollow River Cipher but he was able to produce documentation from a local newspaper establishing that the cipher was actually solved many years ago. He also provided some excellent commentary about the story behind the cipher. He has given me permission to share this with Cipher Mysteries on his behalf.

Here’s what Harry Holman wrote:

Harry Holman on Hollow River…

I have read your postings on Cipher Mysteries with interest but am afraid I must challenge your claim of being the first to decipher the coded message appearing in the Prince Edward Island Magazine. I have found evidence from 1935, and republished in 1946, that the message was deciphered by Blythe Hurst, a school teacher, naturalist and author who wrote under the pen name “Agricola.” The solution was published in the Charlottetown Guardian newspaper on 20 April 1935 p. 12 and again on 20 April 1946 p. 9.

My initial thought was that Hurst might have been connected with the appearance of the original Prince Edward Island Magazine article but it appears he immigrated to Prince Edward Island only in 1910. While he does not publish the entire text of the message it is clear that he has identified the key for interpreting the message and the main elements have been revealed.

As to the original PEI Magazine articles, it is important to place the publication in context. The Magazine, which ran from 1899 until 1905 provided a forum for a great many authors, many of who were identified only by initials or by pseudonyms. While it contained a number of high-quality and well-researched historical articles it was also a platform for a flourishing creative writing community. Many of the fiction pieces picked up on themes popular at the time. Ghost stories based on historical incidents seemed to strike a particularly responsive chord with readers. Only last week I wrote of the background of one of these, The Ghost of Holland Cove.

In that case the author was identified, but I have little doubt that the submissions by “Senachie” and “D.A.W.” are of the same character. A hint may be that the Gaelic basis of Senachie is “professional storyteller”

While a scattering of facts is essential to establish the credibility of historical fiction, a super-abundance of them is evidence of a fabrication. Such is the case here – especially in the supposed “back story” supplied by DAW. While Hollow River is a real place it is an unlikely setting for such an elaborate tale. I have been there and it is hard to imagine an area less likely to be chosen as a cache for guns and treasure. In the late 1730s it was entirely uninhabited although there was some French settlement at Naufrage to the east of the site. The river itself is a mere trickle emptying across a thin strip of sand which is backed by rocks and cliffs. It was one of the last areas of the colony to be settled and a road did not run through the thinly settled area until the 1830s. By the beginning of the 20th century the shore road had been abandoned and a new line of road dating from the 1860s or 1870s was in use.

The use of the multiply layered narrative was a common literary device during the period at the end of the 19th century. Here we have an account of an alleged diary entry recounting a mysterious note in a bottle telling of an incident. All the accounts lack credibility and have errors of fact or interpretation. The language used in the diary entry is quite unreflective of the actual writing of the mid 18th century. I have read a number of diaries from the period and they read nothing like this and the form and content is quite an anachronistic and imaginative interpretation of how a diary of the period might read.

I note that a number of contributors to the Cipher Mysteries website have raised practical objections to the facts of the story including the difficulty and pointlessness of transferring cannon to a barren shore. I think that such objections could be raised to almost every assertion made in the account but I do not think it necessary to parse it further.

For these and many other reasons I conclude that the Hollow River mystery is almost certainly a complete fabrication. The cypher message appears to be merely a “brain teaser” created by the author of the story and is unlikely to have any factual basis.

Without a single documentary support the pyramid of “facts” crumbles, but that has not prevented the story from being included in anthologies of ghost stories and folklore, particularly of the uncritical sort.

Thank you for reminding me of this tale.

Nick’s Further Thoughts…

The reason that I find cipher mysteries – long-unsolved historical ciphers where even the history surrounding them is suspect – so head-shakingly fascinating is that it can be ridiculously hard to tell the true, the false, and the merely hopeful apart. The (almost entirely false) Beale Papers wrapped around the (probably entirely genuine) Beale Ciphers form a case in point.

For the Hollow River Cipher, I share with Harry Holman many of the same doubts about the (supposed) diary entry: moreover, I think it no less likely that many other (supposedly meshing) parts of the story as presented in the PEI Magazine could have been camp-fire confabulations, back-filled around the same core cipher.

In fact, if someone were to propose to me that – more or less exactly mirroring the Beale Ciphers and Beale Papers – the Hollow River Cipher itself was genuine but that everything else wrapped around it was fake (perhaps in the spirit of multiple contributions to the same lightly-literary pirate-ghost jest), I’d be hard-pressed to demur.

And so I now find myself in the same awkward position with both the Beale Cipher and the Hollow River Cipher: that while I’m not enough of a Cipher True Believer for armchair treasure hunters (who seem to want every scrap of evidence to be true), I also seem to have more faith in the ciphers themselves than people who are comfortable writing all the evidence off in one go as no more than a long-running in-joke.

Though Holman handily highlights the presence of a super-abundance of facts (I certainly didn’t know that the settlement just East of the site was called Naufrage), this would surely seem to be more of a witness for the defence than for his prosection. In many ways, perhaps it should be best taken as an epistemological red flag to us all, signalling that we instead need to look and think more clearly at the different accounts making up the picture, to see which (if any) are true, false, or merely amusing or hopeful.

While trying to dig up more on John Joseph Keane (our mysterious bookmaker and Adelaide nitkeeper), I stumbled across a South Australian jockey by the name of J. J. Kean – or rather, across those few parts of his sporting life that made it into the newspapers of the day.

It really shouldn’t take a huge stretch of the imagination to wonder whether a bookmaker might have previously had a career as a jockey, so this seems like it could easily be the same person. Similarly, all Somerton Man researchers worth their salt know Paul Lawson’s speculations about the Somerton Man’s pronounced calf muscles: but rather than being a transvestite wearing high-heeled shoes, might he have simply been a jockey?

Anyway, here are my preliminary research notes, please feel free to chime in with anything else interesting you can find in Trove, because back then newspapers were full of racing news (hence I’m bound to have missed tons of stuff).

Orroroo Jockey Club

Adelaide Critic, 12 Feb 1919:

HANDICAP JUMPERS’ FLAT. […] £93 15/—Korea. 10.0 (J. Kean) […] Dividend Korea. £1 16/. Time. 2 min. 15 1/2 sec.
WELTER HANDICAP. […] £18 15/—Albaree, 8.2 (J. Kean) .. .. 3

Adelaide Express and Telegraph, 20 Feb 1919:

The rider of Korea in the Jumpers’ Flat was questioned by the stewards for his exhibition, and was suspended for one month. […]

Orroroo Handicap, one and a quarter miles. — Mr. H. E. Gregory’s Wee Spec by St. Anton— Escopete, 7 st. 11 lb. (Florence), 1; Mr. T. D. McGahan’s Warcast, 7 st. (Kean), 2; […]

Jumpers’ Flat, one and a quarter miles.—Mr. A. McDonald’s b g Lulabar, by Curtain Lecture —Miss Musk, 9 at. 13 lb. (McDonald), 1; Mr. T. D. McGahan’s Korea, 10 st 2 lb. (Kean), 2; Mr. E. A. Wickens’ Dextral, 9 st 2 lb; (Mr. F. Gammon). 3. Other starter-Conning Tower, 9 st.” (Cilento). Lulabar led out from Conning Tower, Dextral, Korea, and they continued in this order to the back of the course, where Lulabar increased his lead by ten lengths. At the home turn, Korea put in a run, but never troubled the leader, and at the finish ten lengths separated first and second, and a similar distance third.

Quorn Mercury, 21 Feb 1919:

Kean (the rider of Korea) was stood down for a month over his showing in the Jumpers Flat, which was very lenient treatment for a miserable performance.

Adelaide Advertiser, 12 Mar 1919 (and copied in many other newspapers):

The suspension by the stewards of the Orroroo Jockey Club of J. J. Kean for one month from February 13, 1919, for incompetence, has been adopted by the committee of the S.A.J.C.

At this point, J. J. Kean seems to disappear from Orroroo Jockey Club races: it seems overwhelmingly likely to me that Mr T. D. McGahan (the horse owner for whom Kean had been riding) had given Kean his marching orders following this suspension for ‘incompetence’.

Morphettville

Adelaide Chronicle, 05 Jan 1924:

J. J. Kean was suspended by the stewards from riding in races for two months for the careless riding of Tookawarrina in the first division of the Maiden Plate at Morphettville on Tuesday, caus[ing] interference to Pistolorgat and Royal Rip.

Adelaide Observer, 5 Jan 1924:

The stewards found that J. A. Hawthorn (rider of Lacepede in the Handicap Hurdle Race) accidentally interfered with Jim Cleary (ridden by J. Kean).

Later that same year, Tookawarrina broke a leg and was destroyed, according to the Adelaide Observer of 01 Nov 1924:

Tookawarrina was an aged gelding by Persian Chief, from Cilika, and was owned by Mrs. P. H. Suter. He displayed a bit of promise a year or two ago, but had been running disappointingly for some time.



Given that Kean never seemed to ride Tookawarrina after Jan 1924, it again seems fairly likely to me that he got the Order Of The Elbow from Mrs Suter following his two-month suspension.

Other Horses

Given the pithy nature of racing notes, it’s hard to be sure what other horses that “J. J. Kean” rode: but the name “Kean” appears as a jockey for numerous other horses from the time:

  • Coal King
  • St. Ality (Mr A. K. Hamilton, St. Spasa-Reality)
  • Yellow Arry
  • Departure
  • Strzelecki King (Mr. M. R. Oakes’ b.g., aged)
  • Miss Netley (A. E. Hamilton’s b m, 4yrs)
  • Haylander
  • Passado
  • Wee Trunnion (Mr. J. E. Bend’s br. g)
  • Sir Archibald
  • Full Dook
  • Some Seal
  • Tripedy

Interestingly, both St. Ality and Wee Trunnion are also ridden by “K. B. Keane” (definitely not a typo): might this be a younger brother or cousin of J. J. Kean(e)?

Concussion

The Adelaide News of 14 Jun 1924 reported on a fall during a jump race, “in front of the Derby Stand”:

J. Kean, rider of Sir Archibald, suffered from slight concussion as the result of his fall from that horse in the hurdle race.


Peterborough’s Times and Northern Advertiser of 3rd Apr 1925 reported on an injury to K. B. Keane:

Jockey K. B. Keane also received injuries when his mount, Jim Cleary, toppled over in the Hurdle Race.
The condition of jockey K. B. Keane showed a slight improvement on Monday last.

“Successful Lightweight”

Perhaps most usefully of all, there’s an overview of his career in the Adelaide Register News-Pictorial of 17 Feb 1931, which sounds a lot to me like an interview with someone returning to Adelaide after a period away and now looking for work afresh:

J. Kean, who recently won a double at the Port Lincoln carnival, was a successful lightweight in this State a few years ago. He was apprenticed to T. D. McGahan for several years. Kean won the Tennant Cup at Port Augusta in 1923 on St. Ality, which later was a useful jumper. With Kean in the saddle St. Ality was successful over the battens at the Port.
Kean was also associated with C. A. Northway’s stable at Victoria Park, and when the master of the Roachfield stables had Vesper Song in hand, Kean won on the gelding in the north. Arltunga King was ridden by Kean when he won the Copper City Cup at Kadina.
Kean was also successful on Cappeedee, dam of Some Seal, which he rode to victory at Port Lincoln.
He can go to scale at 7.3 and rides over hurdles as well as on the flat. Kean holds only a B licence, but he intends to apply for a permit to ride in the city area. Kean rides several horses in their work at Victoria Park every morning, and he should not find it difficult to get mounts in races.

I can’t find any race with Kean after this date: it seems as though this interview was effectively at the end of his career as a jockey.

OK, we’ve had a few posts looking for (what turned out to be) Thomas Joseph Kean (1898-1968) from Forestville, who was – I’m now moderately sure – the first of the two men flagged up by Byron Deveson. So now it’s time to move onto John Joseph Keane of Union Street, Dulwich, Adelaide, who was a bookmaker’s clerk and nitkeeper in the years before WW2.

As before, we have little to go on. Keane’s age was reported as being 34 on 5/9/1932, and as being 40 on 26/1/1939: if both are correct, they imply he was born between 27/1/1898 and 5/9/1898, which is a tolerably narrow range of birth dates. And he was a bookmaker’s clerk in 1939. What can Trove tell us?

Bookmaker’s Licence

Here’s something that we might reasonably identify with our elusive man, from the Adelaide Advertiser, 11 Aug 1934:

BETTING CONTROL BOARD.
NOTICE is hereby given that the BOOKMAKER’S LICENCE heretofore granted by the Betting Control Board to MERVYN GIFFORD WILSON, has been CANCELLED by the Betting Control Board.
NOTICE is also given that the under-mentioned bookmakers have NOT RENEWED their LICENCES to bet after the 31st JULY 1934.
KEANE John Joseph.
HEATH George Moore.
MOSS Roy Henry.
NOTICE is also given that all persons (if any) who may have CLAIMS against any of the above mentioned bookmakers, in respect of betting transactions, must file the claims with full particulars thereof at the office of the Betting Control Board not later than the 31st day of AUGUST, 1934, and NOTICE is hereby given that any claims made after the said 31st day of August 1934 will be disregarded by the Betting Control Board so that they will not be covered by the Security or Bond held by the Board.
By order of the Board.
A. G. ALEXANDER Secretary. 17 Flinders Street, Adelaide.


Knowing that, it didn’t take long to find the matching licencing notice, in the Adelaide Advertiser of 9th Feb 1934:

J. J. Keane. 29 Stuart road, Dulwich

J. J. Keane has registered a shop at 29 Stuart road, Dulwich. On one side of the premises are private residences, and there are private homes opposite.

Note that there was also an Adelaide bookmaker called Edmund Joseph Keane, as per this Adelaide News report of 3rd Oct 1935:

Youth Fined for Being In Betting Shop
A fine of £6 with 15/ costs was imposed by Mr. H. M. Muirhead, P.M. in the Adelaide Police Court today on Harry Britt, aged 19, of Park terrace, North Unley, unemployed. Britt pleaded guilty to a charge of having, on September 25, at Adelaide, been present on the licensed bookmaking premises of Edmund Joseph Keane, at South terrace, Adelaide.

Note that this Edmund Keane also did not renew his bookmaking licence on 1st August 1936, according to the notice in the Adelaide News of 7 Aug 1936.

A Fool’s Gold Rush?

The reason that so many bookmakers were popping up in 1934 was that the Lottery and Gaming Act of 1933 had simultaneously decriminalised and licensed off-track bookmaking in South Australia. As a result, there had been a sudden gold rush of people applying for bookmaking licences. Many of the Sportsmen’s clubs of the day were complaining, saying that there were now far too many bookmakers, and that the whole business had become unsustainable: and why oh why can’t we go back to the good old days of on-track betting only? (etc)

At the same time, billiard halls (which were where a great deal of illegal betting had previously been carried) were feeling the pinch from all the new (legal) bookmakers eating their metaphorical lunch: and so many of them too applied for betting licences (but were initially turned down). Billiard hall owners wanted bookmakers to be situated a certain distance away from residential areas as part of their licence conditions, so that both groups could compete fairly with each other: as normal, there were many conflicting opinions.

Whichever way you look at it, though, there was a sharp spike in gambling at that time, as well as an oversupply of (newly-legal) off-track bookmakers. Hence it probably shouldn’t be surprising to us that John Joseph Keane not only applied for a bookmaker’s licence in February 1934 (right at the start of the wave) but also didn’t renew his licence in August 1934 (presumably when bookmaking failed to work out as well as he – and indeed many others – had hoped). Basically, it was like opening a vape shop in 2018. 😉

Dulwich Addresses

We now have several Dulwich addresses for John Joseph Keane through the 1930s:

  • Greenhill road (30 Aug 1933) – unspecified, illegal wireless radio
  • 29 Stuart road [rented] (09 Feb 1934) – bookmaker, n/a
  • [16] Union street (13 Aug 1936) – labourer, hindering
  • [16] Union street (25 Jan 1939) – bookmaker’s clerk, hindering

Commenter milongal previously found (via the S&M directory) that there was a “J J Keane, clerk” living at 16 Union Street, Dulwich “from at least 1937 to 1940 […] the clerk in Union St”, which fits neatly with the above timeline. Milongal also found a further “J J Keane” living in (no number) Shierlaw Street, Richmond from about 1940 to 1947, who may or may not be the same person.

As an aside, milongal also noted that “15 Union St was a Billiard Hall with a gambling license (proprietor JJ Collins, I think)”. Similarly, I just noticed that 17 Union Street was the 1935 address of course bookmaker F. J. Dally (“Special Flat” section).

So it seems reasonably likely to me that all these people had ended up in the Venn diagram intersection between struggling billiard hall people and struggling bookmaker people, trying desperately to make ends meet until (say) the whole baccarat school scam took off in the mid-1940s. That, or the whole war-time inter-state Price Commission black market car scam. 🙂

Where Next From Here?

Awkwardly, the answer right now is that I don’t really know. Perhaps there are other police records or police gazettes we should be looking at?

In the absence of any obvious family information to go scurrying around with, Trove also seems a little parched and desert-like. Can you find any Australian ‘John Joseph Keane’s at all born in the narrow date range? (I found seventeen ‘John Keane’s born in Ireland in 1898, but that’s not a huge amount of use.)

And yes, I know about the John Joseph Keane born in Adelaide in 1896, but he doesn’t seem to be our man. 🙁

This strand started when Byron Deveson uncovered two interesting Kean(e) men mentioned in 1930s South Australian Police Gazettes. I followed this up with a blog post on Thomas Joseph Kean, born 10th April 1898 in Northgate, Victoria, who I suspected was one of the two. Since then, I have found out more about his family, most recently with help from the nice people at GenealogySA.

Eileen Jessie Kean

KEAN, Eileen Jessie. – On August 13 [1976], Eileen Jessie Kean, beloved wife of the late Thomas Joseph, loving mother of Pat Cottle, Marj Spooner and the late Maly Pill, grandmother of 15 grandchildren and 16 great-grandchildren.

KEAN. – THE FRIENDS of the late Mrs. EILEEN JESSIE KEAN, are advised that her Funeral will leave our private parlor, 193 Unley road, Unley, THIS DAY (Saturday), at 9.45 a.m., for the W. A. Norman Memorial Chapel, Centennial Park Crematorium. Car Park adjoins parlor.

This leads us quickly to…

Maly Josepha Pill (nee Kean)

We were looking for a May, but we now know her first name was actually Maly (presumably pronounced ‘May-Lee’). This leads us to her examination results (as “Maly J. Kean”) published 20th Dec 1937 in the Adelaide News – “Maly J. Kean. Bt. Eg, HA. AL. M. OD;

According to this slice-of-life Melbourne Weekly Times article of 17th Jan 1945, Maly Kean spent at least part of the war working for the WAAAF at the “RAAF Flying Boat Repair Depot at Lake Boga. Here, right in the Mallee country, great flying-boats from combat areas circle round and land on the small, saucer-shaped lake for repairs and overhaul.” Having said that, her part in the great drama was fairly modest: “two attractive dental orderlies, Cpl. Maly Kean of Adelaide, and A.C.W. “Jacky” Mountier, of Sydney, who help to lessen the terrors of those called up for dental attention“.

We move swiftly on to the Melbourne Herald of 6th December 1947:

PILL-KEAN
THE marriage of Maly Josepha Kean, of South Yarra, to William Henry Pill, of Elwood, will be celebrated this afternoon at St. Joseph’s Church, South Yarra.
The bride, who is the youngest daughter of Mr and Mrs T. J. Kean, of Glenelg, SA, will be attended by Mrs Marjory Roberts and given away by Mr Geoffrey Taylor.
She will wear a classical gown of white satin and a tulle veil caught to the head with orange blossom.
The bridegroom is the only son of the late Mr and Mrs Norman Pill. Mr Daryl Berry will be his best man.

Nicely, there’s a picture of their wedding day in the Melbourne Argus of 8th December 1947 (“WEDDINGS CELEBRATED IN SUBURBAN CHURCHES”) – “MR W. PILL and bride at St Joseph’s, South Yarra. Bride was Miss M. Kean.“:

It also seems certain that this is Maly Pill (nee Kean)’s gravestone, [Anzac 2] 467 POR.2 at Mount Gravatt Cemetery in Brisbane City:

She died on 1st May 1976, just a few months before her mother’s passing.

Ellen McPhee

Maly Kean also leads us to her grandmother’s death notice in the Melbourne Age, 25th Oct 1943 (though the OCR was quite poor before I corrected it):

McPHEE. — On October 22, at 35 Charles-street, St. Kilda, Ellen McPhee, relict of the late James (late of Wandiligong), loving mother of Eileen, Jean and James, loved nana of Patricia, Marjory and Maly Kean, Eileen and Martin Murphy, James and Annett McPhee, great-grandmother of Phillipa Spooner and loved sister of Em, aged 78 years. R.I.P.

Marj Spooner (nee Kean)

The GenealogySA people also found me the (profoundly heartfelt) series of death notices for Marj Spooner from the Adelaide Advertiser of 8th Oct 2009 (she died on 5th Oct 2009). I’ll include only two here:

Loving mother of Phil, Mark, John, Helen, Julie, Janet, Greg and Mary.
Dearly loved mother-in-law-of Mail, Maureen, Albert, Graham, Greg, Judy and Tom.
Cherished grandmother of 17 grandchildren and six great-grandchildren.
A beautiful woman who will be forever in our hearts and will never be forgotten.

In memory of a brilliant woman whose extraordinary intellect, sparkling wit and endless generosity was equally matched by the incredible sacrifices that she made for her family.
Bless you, and thank you for opening up the world for all of us.
In loving memory, Mary and Tom.

Marj Spooner was buried at Centennial Park Cemetery, Catholic “F” Section.

Kean Family Tree, Second Attempt

Thomas Joseph Kean, born 10th April 1898 (ref 13241/1898), Northgate, Victoria, died 1968 in Adelaide (53A/5511) (Parents: Thomas Francis Kean and [MaryAnn?] Deely)
–married:
Eileen Jessie McPhee, born 10th April 1896 in Wandiligong (Parents: James McPhee, and Eileen McPhee, died 22nd October 1943, St Kilda), died 13th August 1976, (Unley?).
–and had three daughters:

#1 Patricia Jean Kean, born 1919, died 2004.
She married Victor McDonnell (‘Vic’) Cottle, born 3rd July 1913 in Crystal Brook SA (son of George Henry Victor COTTLE and Lucieton Robe WHITINGTON).
They had (at least) two daughters, born 8th February 1944 and 20th October 1945.

#2 Marjorie Agnes (‘Marj’) Kean, born 1921, died 5th October 2009.
She married Alfred Raymond (‘Rip’) Spooner, born 3rd November 1913 in Birmingham, England; died 11th April 1979.
– Their children were Phillipa (Phil) born 18th February 1943, Mark Alfred born 30th June 1945, John born 17th March 1948, then Helen, Julie, Janet, Greg and Mary.

#3 Maly Josepha (‘May’) Kean, born 20th May 1922, died 1st May 1976 in Brisbane.
She married William Henry Pill of Elwood (son of Mr and Mrs Norman Pill) on 6th December 1947 in South Yarra.

Thomas Joseph Kean, died 1968.

Though it was (briefly) intriguing to find out that he and his family were living in Glenelg from at least 1945 to December 1947, this Thomas Joseph Kean was in fact the same Thomas Joseph Kean who died on 25th July 1968 in Coromandel Valley, and who was buried in Centennial Park. This information is, again, thanks to the GenealogySA database: though there are no newspaper death notices for him, there is a death record 53A/5511 on file for him in Adelaide, with Eileen Jessie Kean marked as his wife.

OK, so he clearly wasn’t the Somerton Man. But might he have been the same shady nitkeeper before the war we have been looking for? Was he the same Thomas Joseph Kean who retired as Clerk-in-Charge at Customs and Excise in November 1961? Or might he even have been both, i.e. a pre-war poacher turned post-war gamekeeper?

A few days ago, I was trying to track down three Kean girls who went to school together at CABRA, because at least one of them shared an address with one of the two Kean(e) men whose names Byron Deveson had turned up while diligently trawling through the South Australian Police Gazettes.

However, these three girls were proving hard to trace, even though I knew their first names (May, Marjorie, and Patricia) and one of their dates of birth (May, born 20th May 1922). Oddly, all the genealogy websites and databases were proving unhelpful.

Marjorie Agnes Spooner (née Kean)

Well… after raking through Trove a thousand times or more, I finally found that Marjorie Kean’s middle name might well be Agnes. There are two listings where this appears, firstly on 31st Jan 1936 in the Southern Cross:

DOMINICAN CONVENT SCHOOLS / ST. MARY’S DOMINICAN COLLEGE, CABRA. PAST SCHOLARS. […]

Marjorie Agnes Kean. — English, French, Book-keeping, Music, Shorthand.

Or alternatively in 26th January 1937’s Adelaide ‘Tizer, though noting that she didn’t achieve the minimum five passes needed:

Kean, Marjorie Agnes. H[istory] G[eo]g[raphy] T[y]p[ing]

Now, if I’ve got that right, Marjorie Agnes would have been born in 1921 (i.e. a year older than May Kean). And that quickly links us to a MyHeritage listing for a Marjorie Agnes Spooner:

Marjorie Agnes Spooner (born Kean) was born on [month day] 1921, at [birth place], to Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Thomas was born on April 10 1898, in Northgate, Victoria, Australia. Eileen was born on April 10 1896, in Wandiligong. Marjorie married Alfred Raymond Spooner. Alfred was born on November 3 1913, in Birmingham, England. Marjorie passed away in 2010, at age 88 at [death place].

Patricia Jean Cottle (née Kean)

This in turn quickly led to a different myHeritage page, this time for a Patricia Jean Cottle (née Kean):

Patricia Jean Cottle (born Kean) was born on [month day] 1919, at [birth place] to Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Thomas was born on April 10 1898, in Northgate Victoria. Eileen was born on April 10 1896, in Wandiligong. Patricia had 2 siblings. Patricia married Victor McDonnell Cottle. Victor was born on July 3 1913, in Crystal Brook SA. Patricia passed away on [month day] 2004, at age 84 at [death place].

Feeding Patricia’s name back into Trove yielded a single hit in 24th Jan 1935’s Adelaide ‘Tizer: “Bookkeeping, Candidates under sixteen years of age […] 4. Kean, Patricia Jean (St Mary’s Priory, Cabra).” Which would of course nicely fit her 1919 date of birth.

Thomas Joseph Kean

We started out looking for a Thomas John Kean, who was a clerk from Forestville born very close to 1898 (as reported in the Police Gazette and the Adelaide ‘Tizer). But what we instead found was a Thomas Joseph Kean, a man from Forestville born in 1898.

Might these two Thomas J Keans be the same person? Errrm… they/he certainly could be: or if they are not, it would certainly be a slightly jarring coincidence.

Note that we were at the same time also looking for a John Joseph Kean, who was a clerk similarly born in 1898, but from Union Street, Dulwich: and I idly wondered whether those two Keans might actually have been the same person. Now we arguably have the situation where we have a third name – Thomas Joseph Kean – to add to the mix. Might all three of these Keans have been the same man? Police gazettes reports often include (sometimes long) lists of aliases people operate under, so having three different (but subtly similar) names should hardly be a big surprise.

Perhaps all of this will become clearer when we find out more about the life of Thomas Joseph Kean born April 10 1898 in Northgate Victoria. So now it’s over to you all, what information is out there waiting to be known?

Alternatively, perhaps one of you will now have more luck tracking down May Kean now that we (almost certainly) know the name of her parents,
Thomas Joseph Kean and Eileen Jessie Kean (born McPhee). Even though her sisters (it would seem almost certain) have both passed away (in 2004 and 2010), May Kean herself may still be alive, who can tell?

Kean Family Tree, First Attempt

Thomas Joseph Kean, born 10th April 1898 (ref 13241/1898), Northgate, Victoria. (Parents: Thomas Francis Kean and DEELY)
–married:
Eileen Jessie McPhee, born 10th April 1896 in Wandiligong, died 1976.
–and had three daughters:

#1 Patricia Jean Kean, born 1919, died 2004.
She married
Victor McDonnell Cottle, born 3rd July 1913 in Crystal Brook SA (son of George Henry Victor COTTLE and Lucieton Robe WHITINGTON).
They had two daughters, born 8th February 1944 and 20th October 1945.

#2 Marjorie Agnes Kean, born 1921, died 2010.
She married
Alfred Raymond Spooner, born 3rd November 1913 in Birmingham, England; died 1979.
They had a daughter and two sons, born 18th February 1943, 30th June 1945 ( Mark Alfred Spooner), and 17th March 1948 respectively.

#3 May Kean, born 20th May 1922.
No further information.

Update: a revised version of the Kean family tree is here.

The ever-industrious Byron Deveson recently started to attack the fallow ground of Australian police gazettes with his investigatory trowel, and as a consequence has just dug up two intriguing new Kean(e)s for us to track down.

#1. Thomas John Kean(e) of Forestville

The first interesting Kean(e) that Byron found in the South Australia Police Gazette was caught drinking alcohol illegally in Glenelg:

Thomas John Keane (38). ……breaches of the Licensing Act, Section 150 at the All Night Cafe, Glenelg. … fined two (pounds) and costs one (pound)…. Tried at Glenelg 28/1/1937.”

Keane’s stated age was 38, so this would make his year of birth 1898 (or 1899 at a stretch). According to this Adelaide ‘Tizer article from 29 Jan 1937, Thomas John Kean was a clerk from Forestville (almost certainly the Forestville that is an Adelaide suburb just beside the main road heading out towards Glenelg, not the one in northern Sydney):

Michael Hilary Galvin, tailor, of Glenelg, and Thomas John Kean, clerk, of Forestville, were each fined £2, with £1 costs, by Messrs. A. Martin and J. C. Comley, in the Glenelg Magistrates’ Court yesterday, for having on Sunday, January 17, drunk liquor on unlicensed premises known as the All Night Cafe, Moseley square.

The same All-Night Cafe was advertising for day staff in 30th November 1948, so it’s a reasonably safe bet it was open on the night that the Somerton Man died:

WAITRESS, part or full time, no night work, good hours. All Night Cafe, Glenelg. X 2182.

Perhaps this was also where the Somerton Man had his late-night pasty, who can say? It’s a better theory than just about anything I’ve heard so far.

I then went looking for Keanes in Forestville (there can’t have been that many there back then, can there?), and found a Sapper L. J. Keane from Forestville in the 1st Australian General Hospital in Heliopolis in 1916 (here and here). A Mr L. J. Keane’s mother-in-law passed away in 1921 (she was from Adelaide & had family in Broken Hill, there’s another Trove link here).

DICKER.-On the 6th November, at her residence, 52 West terrace, City, Mary Ann (relict of Joseph Dicker), and beloved mother of R Dicker, and of Mrs. L. J. Keane, of West terrace, and sister of Mrs. M. Cullard and Mr. H. F. Nott, of Broken Hill, aged 45 years.

A young May Kean of 41 First avenue, Forestville sent this joke in to the 13 Jun 1936 Adelaide Mail:

Customer— Ginger ale.
Waiter— Pale?
Customer — No; just a glass.
May Kean, 41 First avenue, Forestville — Yellow Certificate.

Are any of these Forestville Kean(e)s connected to Thomas John Kean? Whatever happened to Thomas John Kean? Any answers that Cipher Mysteries genealogists can uncover would be really appreciated!

#2. John Joseph Kean(e) of Dulwich

Given my recent post (which explored the suggestion by two Melbourne baccarat players that the Somerton Man was a ‘nitkeeper’ at a Lonsdale Street baccarat school circa 1944), Byron’s second new Keane looks like he might just be research gold.

John Joseph Keane (34) … breach of the Lottery and Gaming Act …. at Arab Street Hotel, Adelaide. Tried at Adelaide 5/9/1932.

30 Aug 1933
FINED FOR UNLICENSED WIRELESS SETS
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/128425875
The following persons were fined in the Adelaide Police Court today for having used unlicensed wireless sets:- Albert William Sutton, of Leader street, Forestville (£5 in all): John Joseph Keane, of Greenhill road, Dulwich (£1 15/); […]

14 Aug 1936
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/48169753
John Joseph Keane, laborer, of Union street. Dulwich, was fined £5, with £1 costs, by Mr. Morgan, S.M., in No. 2 Adelaide Police Court yesterday, on a charge of having on June 17 hindered Constables Mitchell and Lavender while they were endeavoring to detect liquor offences at the Imperial Hotel, city. He pleaded not guilty.

13 Aug 1936
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/131875215
Hindered Police.
John Joseph Keane, laborer, of Dulwich, was fined £5 with £1 costs by Mr. Morgan, S.M., in the Adelaide Police Court today for having hindered two members of the police force in the execution of their duty in King William street on June 17.

25 Jan 1939
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/49791434
Charged With Hindering Police
The hearing of a charge against John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich, of having, on December 25, unlawfully hindered Constables Shipway and Horsnell while they were endeavoring to detect breaches of the Licensing Act, was adjourned until tomorrow by Mr. Muirhead, P.M., in the Adelaide Police Court yesterday.

John Joseph Keane (40) ……..hindering police (nit keeping) at the Seven Stars Hotel, Adelaide. Tried at Adelaide on 26/1/1939.

27 Jan 1939
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/74411920
Hindering Charge Dismissed
A charge against John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich, of having, on December 25, unlawfully hindered Constables Shipway and Horsnell while they were endeavoring to detect breaches of the Licensing Act, was dismissed by Mr. Muirhead, P.M., in the Adelaide Police Court yesterday.

In case you don’t know (I certainly didn’t), Dulwich is a suburb of Eastern Adelaide, so not too far away from the Somerton Man action.

If the Somerton Man were to turn out to have been a bookmaker’s clerk (and indeed a nitkeeper), that might turn a lot of what we know about him on its head. For example, we would probably need no explanation as to why the South Australian Grandstand Bookmakers’ Association so generously paid for his burial licence, “to prevent the victim being buried as a pauper“.

So, whatever happened to “John Joseph Kean, bookmaker’s clerk, of Union street, Dulwich”?

One Final Thought…

I hope it’s not just me who noticed that there’s something a bit odd about the two Kean(e)s. Both were born in 1898: both had John in their name; both were “clerks”; both were connected to Adelaide; both were in light trouble with the police; neither seemed to be able to spell their shared surname.

Might these two men have in fact been the same person? Entries in the police gazettes of the day were rife with crims using multiple identities (often not too different from each other so they can remember them all), so this dodgy Mr Kean(e) was not the first person to have aliases.

Back in 2006 when I wrote The Curse of the Voynich, I included in the book a whole lot of notes relating to the internal structure of ‘Voynichese’ (i.e. the language, dialect, or manner of writing/encipherment found in the Voynich Manuscript, whichever you happen to feel easiest which).

To be clear, I didn’t claim to have deciphered so much as a single letter: rather, I wanted to communicate the high-level view of Voynichese I had built up (not too far from that of Brigadier John Tiltman) as a collection of smaller ciphers, all artfully arranged into an elegant overall system.

The mystery of EVA d and EVA y

For example, I believed (and in fact still do believe, and for a whole constellation of reasons) that EVA -d- (word-middle) and EVA -y (word-final) are probably kinds of scribal abbreviations (e.g. contraction and truncation respectively): and that to successfully read Voynichese, we will ultimately need to reconstruct how its words are abbreviated.

At the same time, I believe that EVA d- and EVA -y (both word-initial) work differently again, i.e. that the same two letter-shapes are doing ‘double duty’, that they mean different things when placed in different parts of a word.

In Latin, the shorthand shape ‘9’ (the same as EVA y) behaves very similarly to this, insofar as it stands in for com-/con- when it appears word-initially, and for -us when it appears word-finally. This was still in (admittedly light) use in the mid-fifteenth century, so the idea that something could mean different things in different positions within words was still ‘in the air’, so to speak.

Really, what I was trying to do was understand how the Voynichese ‘engine’ worked: to not only identify the individual cogs and pinions (i.e. Tiltman’s smaller component ciphers) but to also move towards identifying how these meshed together to form not just a collection of adjacent tricks, but a coherent (if subtly overlapping) system.

The overall metaphor that seemed most productive to me was that of architecture: that the components that made up Voynichese were laid out not haphazardly, but had a kind of consistent conceptual organization to them, yielding what appeared to be rigid use-structures and language-like rules.

Yet at the same time, attempts to produce formal Voynichese grammars to capture these have proved unfruitful: even though thousands of statistical experiments seem to back up the overwhelming intuition that there’s something there if we could only see it, we remain blind to exactly what is going on.

Yes, It’s Unpigeonholeable

Some Voynich linguists try to argue against my view by claiming that I’m describing it purely as a cipher, which (in their view) ‘of course’ it simply isn’t. But the problem is that that’s really not my position at all.

Rather, one of my overall beliefs about Voynichese is that the person who constructed it would have been able to almost entirely (though perhaps not necessarily 100% completely) read it back off the page. And so a lot of what I’m talking about isn’t so much cryptography as steganography, “hiding in plain sight”: and that in turn isn’t so very far from being a linguistic problem.

So if (as I suspect) Voynichese turns out to be equal parts cryptography, steganography, shorthand and language, decoding it will require a significant collaborative effort: but it will also require people to stop trying to pigeonhole it into a single category. Is there any real likelihood it is pure language, or pure shorthand, or pure steganography? For me, the answer is no.

What many of us moderns forget is that the Renaissance (and particularly the fifteenth century) was a time long before the borders between intellectual specializations had started to be so anxiously patrolled. Back then, there was no hard line between language and cipher, between fact and fiction, between Arts and Sciences, even between past and present: thinking was far muddier, and far less clearly defined. Or, if you want to be charitable, much more fluid and creative. 🙂

And so I think we really shouldn’t be surprised if the creator of the Voynich manuscript trampled gleefully over the flower beds of what we now think of as convention: it would be several hundred years before intellectual “Keep Off The Grass” signs would start to appear.

Vowels, Consonants, Numbers, And, The

Regardless of all the above, I think that anyone trying to make sense of Voynichese really has to start with the most basic questions. Surely the biggest ones (and these have bugged me for nearly twenty years) are the classic questions of both cryptologists and linguists alike:

  • Where are the vowels?
  • Where are the consonants?
  • Where are the numbers?
  • Where are the ‘and‘ words?
  • Where are the ‘the‘ words?

Unfortunately, many people who go hunting for vowels in Voynichese take its letter shapes completely at face value: and by that token, EVA a / i / o would ‘surely’ be standing in for (plaintext) A / I / O. Even though this at first seems to move you forward, what immediately happens next is that you find yourself utterly, ineffably stuck: that even though “vowel = VOWEL” may (briefly) feel like a plausible starting point, Voynichese doesn’t actually work like that at all.

And so the more well-organized vowel hunters move on to applying linguistic algorithms (such as Sukhotin’s) to determine which letters are vowels, and which are consonants. This normally (e.g. depending on which transcription you are using, how you parse EVA letters into glyphs, etc) will yield much the same kind of result: which also gets you basically nowhere.

This also doesn’t even begin to attempt to answer the question of where the numbers are (for in a manuscript that size, there must surely be numbers aplenty in there, right?); where the ‘and‘ words are hiding; and just as much where all the ‘the‘ definite articles are to be found.

Honestly, how is it that researchers can collectively invest so much time staring at Voynichese and yet they almost all never try to formulate answers (however hypothetical or speculative) to such basic questions?

Shape Families

Despite our continuing inability to read Voynichese, I think we can identify – purely from their shapes and the similar ways they appear – a number of distinct groups of letters:

  • EVA e, ee, eee, ch, sh  (the ‘c-family’)
  • EVA t, k, f, p (the ‘gallows family’)
  • EVA or, ar, ol, al
  • EVA an, ain, aiin, aiiin
  • EVA air, air, am, aim
  • EVA d, y
  • EVA qo
  • EVA s

Oddly, many of the shapes inside each of these groups can often be substituted for one another (e.g. gallows can normally be substituted one for the other to form similar words): and this alone forms a kind of skeletal “shape-grammar” for Voynichese. (Though quite why this should be the case remains a mystery.)

One of the things I have long wondered about these shape families (which, once again, wasn’t not far at all from what Brigadier Tiltman had suggested) was whether each of them might have previously expressed some kind of individual cipher-like trick: for example, I wondered whether the ololol-like repeats of the or/ar/ol/al group might have originally been specifically used to disguise Roman numbers.

In which case Voynichese wasn’t itself a work of invention so much as one of careful assembly, its creator stitching (and adapting) a set of pre-existing tricks together to form the illusion of a coherent whole.

In which case, the intriguing question then arises as to whether we might be able to reconstruct what each of these families is trying to conceal. Might we be able to work out the secret history of each of these sub-tricks?

On The Vowel Trail

All the same, the question of the day comes down to this: which of these distinct families might be hiding the vowels?

Back when I was writing Curse, I speculated whether the series of ‘c’-like shapes in Voynichese (EVA e, ee, eee, ch, sh) might somehow be standing in for vowels. After all, the members of this set do seem to share some kind of visual ‘family connection’ as far as their shapes go (i.e. they’re all formed of right-facing semicircles, and there are (superficially, at least) as many of them as the number of vowels you might typically expect to find in a typical European text (i.e. five).

A famous medieval monastic cipher also replaced vowels with clusters of dots (e.g. one dot for a, two dots for e, etc), so the idea that a cipher and/or alphabet might ‘thematically obfuscate’ a connected group of letters in the same way is visually (and indeed historically) quite appealing.

At the same time, I think that while this may well prove to be true (or even largely true) for Currier A pages, at the same time something odd is going on with Voynichese Currier B pages that this isn’t capturing. So Voynichese as a whole remains subtler and more awkward than this is able to completely account for.

Strike-Through Gallows

What I also find hugely intriguing is not that there are families of shapes, but that there are also mysterious areas of overlap between those families.

These are the places where I think the creator of Voynichese used his cunning to ‘hybridize’ them, i.e. to adapt the area between a pair of families, to turn the overall set of families into a complete system.

Nowhere is this kind of overlapping clearer than with the strike-through gallows. These are instances where shapes in the gallows family (EVA t, k, f, p) are kind of ‘struck-through’ by a ‘ch’ shape. The difficulty of rendering these struck-through gallows as text led to a lot of debate between people proposing various Voynich transcription alphabets.

In the end, the EVA transcription rendered the ‘ch’ shape as two half-letters so that struck-through gallows could be rendered with a ‘c’ and an ‘h’ either side of it, e.g. EVA k -> ckh, t -> cth, f -> cfh, p -> cph. But remember that this is no more a handy transcription convention, and really shouldn’t be interpreted as endorsing any particular view of what is actually going on ‘under the hood’.

Because that’s another big question researchers have been all too content to avoid ever since EVA arrived: in short, what on earth is going on with these struck-through gallows?

Back when I wrote Curse, I pointed to a 1455 Milanese cipher where, very unusually, ‘subscriptio’ was rendered in a very similar strike-through way: and so proposed that this might well be what we are looking at with strike-through gallows. While this made good hypothetical sense at the time, I have to say it also didn’t really sit well with the idea that EVA ‘ch’ might be in some way part of a vowel family. And so I was left not seeing how these two families and their overlap might have been meshed together

But a couple of years ago, I had an idea as to how all these different pieces could have been reconciled into a single system…

Cicco Simonetta and Q

Philip Neal’s exemplary translation of Cicco Simonetta’s 1474 Regule (‘rules’) for codebreaking includes his translation of Simonetta’s notes on the weakness of the letter ‘Q’:

Consider if in the published writing there be any cipher which always and everywhere is followed on by one and the same cipher, for such a cipher is representative of q, and the other following is representative of u, for always after q follows u, and the cipher which follows on the cipher representative of u is a vowel always, for always after q follows u and another vowel follows after u.

What, then, are codemakers to do to avoid people using QU as a giveaway? Apart from adding in nulls, Simonetta suggests possibly “putting one sole letter in place of q and u”.

Now, what I found interesting about this is that in 1474 (actually, I strongly suspect that Simonetta was copying out a document that had been compiled some twenty years previously, so perhaps in 1454 or so), Milanese codebreakers were aware that leaving ‘q’ and ‘u’ adjacent was a crypto ‘tell’, that could be used to break their ciphers.

And yet in the Voynich Manuscript, there was apparently no sign of any mechanism or shape family being used to obfuscate a ‘qu’ pair. Or… was there?

Revisiting EVA ch

And so I finish this with the thought that struck me a couple of years ago. What if the strike-through gallows were simply formed by a ‘Q’ shape being struck through by a ‘U’ shape?

For if that were the case, we could probably conclude that not only is EVA ‘ch’ a vowel, but the letter it is standing in for is U/V.

Ah, some might say, but there are 18 instances of EVA ‘chch’ in the Voynich Manuscript. However, I would point out that many/all of these could very easily have been copying errors for the (almost microscopically different) EVA ‘chee’ (e.g. ‘dchchy’ could instead have been ‘dcheey’, etc).

Similarly, even though there are 755 instances of EVA ‘chee’ in the VMs, there are only 33 instances of EVA ‘eech’. Perhaps this is representative of words beginning ‘V’+vowel, or of specific diphthongs, I don’t know. There are 4989 ‘che’ instances, but only 180 ‘ech’ instances: maybe this is something that can be mined for more information and insight.

Of course, I don’t know that I’ve got this right: but the suggestion that EVA ‘ch’ is ‘U/V’ is a hypothesis that’s based on good observation and good crypto history, and offers plenty of space to explore and to work with.

For example, it would suggest that ckh is actually the same as (k)(ch), which may help normalize a lot of the text (and please don’t try to argue back to me that k ‘can only’ maps to a single plaintext letter, Voynichese is much too subtle for that, or else we wouldn’t get qokedy qokedy etc).

Lots to think about, anyway.

As per my last post on the Somerton Man, I think it’s time we invested a little effort into understanding Melbourne’s baccarat schools, because two anonymous baccarat players claimed that the Somerton Man was a nitkeeper at an illegal baccarat school in Lonsdale Street in Melbourne.

Recapping, the following appeared in the Adelaide News (26th January 1949) (and Sydney Daily Telegraph and Geraldton Guardian):

Gamblers believe dead man was “nitkeeper”

Melbourne.- Two promininent Melbourne baccarat players who desire to remain anonymous, believe they knew the unknown man in the “Somerton beach body mystery.”

They saw the man’s picture in a Melbourne newspaper and said they thought they recognised him as a “nitkeeper” who worked at a Lonsdale street baccarat school about four years ago. They could not recall his name.

They said the man talked to few people. He was employed at the baccarat school for about 10 weeks, then left without saying why or where he was going.

OK, I’d agree that doesn’t give us a great deal to work with: but at the same time it is specific enough to help us build up a set of research questions.

Lonsdale Street Baccarat Schools

In Australia, baccarat had been made illegal in 1943. Unsurprisingly, Melbourne quickly found hosting a number of baccarat schools. These were typically located in large, upper-floor office spaces (so that lookouts / cockatoos / nitkeepers could quickly pass word up if there was a police raid) and with heavily barricaded doors (so that any evidence of gambling could be removed before the police managed to force their way in).

According to the Argus 1st May 1947, p.2, there had not long before been schools in “Elizabeth st, Lonsdale st, Russell st, and Bourke st”, but they had been closed down – or rather, the gambling bosses had moved their schools to less obvious locations. The glory days of the early 1940s (when the clubs were “luxuriously” kitted out, some even offering “a whole roast pig” supper) were gone.

One of these schools had been the Rendezvous Club, on the fourth floor of Fink’s Building, also known as Fink’s Club. According to the Herald 23rd July 1947, p.3, “Solo stud poker and any card game was played there, but he [John Francis Gilligan] never saw anyone playing baccarat”. Yeah, right… 😉

By August 1947, an expose in the Herald revealed that there were now three big baccarat schools in Melbourne, in Swanton Street, Lonsdale Street, and Punt Road. One of these had a lift, which was organized never to stay on the ground floor: nits checked the punters at the street level and then again at the top before the barricaded door..

In court, it emerged that Gilligan had been associated with a club in Lonsdale Street for several years. There was definitely a baccarat school in Lonsdale Street in mid-1948, according to this report in the Herald 20th July 1948, p.4:

Recently, according to a police report, a “stand-over” man drew a gun in a baccarat school in Lonsdale Street: when he ”came to” a few minutes later he was looking down the barrels of four other pistols.

Sergeant A. Biddington, the gaming police chief who closed down the Lonsdale St baccarat school in December 1948, had had to go to a tribunal the previous month, accused of drinking on the job:

Biddington said in evidence that gaming constables Buggy and Carter, who were on the Shepparton trip under his command and had given evidence against him, were not to be trusted, and in his opinion were dishonest. He had been given information that they had conspired with baccarat bosses while they should have been catching them. He had to take them off baccarat duty because of this, and they were antagonistic toward him.

Sergeant Biddington carried on trying to shut down the baccarat schools, with the next big raid in February 1949. But of course, nothing much changed, with a court case involving a shooting from April 1949, and another shooting in May 1949. More big raids in August 1949 and November 1949 (now courtesy of a “special baccarat squad led by Inspector R. Prinett”) failed to stem the same basic tide: and so it all went on.

The only other name I found associated in the newspapers with Lonsdale Street baccarat schools was Robert Brewster: but that was in 1950.

So… Where Do We Go From Here?

When someone in January 1949 says “about four years ago”, I am sure that they would definitely mean “after baccarat became illegal” (in August 1943) and before the end of the Second World War (2nd September 1945). Those were the ‘glory days’ of the Melbourne baccarat schools, when all the customers seemed rich and beautiful, and their money dropped into the gambling bosses’ hands like so much manna from heaven. So in some ways we have a tolerably narrow date range to work with.

But where might we look for names of people who might be associated with these baccarat schools? The obvious answer would be in Melbourne police records. Even if the baccarat school owners were paying off Percy Plod (and who saw that coming, eh?), plenty of raids on schools did still happen.

The Public Record Office Victoria has the 1945 Police Gazette, and – wonderfully, I think – Photo Supplements to the Police Gazette for 1944 to 1949, and another one for 1939 to 1948. These are all on open access, though some of the other police gazettes are marked as “s11” closed access.

I have read that much of the supplements was taken up with photos of recently released convicts: but might that be not such a bad place to start?

More generally, what other resources are out there? Trove has nothing much on John Francis Gilligan before 1947 (when he was shot), because in July 1936 he had been sent to jail for seven years for receiving stolen goods:

Found guilty of having received stolen goods valued at £800, Leonard Schiffman, aged 50 years, of Rose-Street, West Coburg, grocer, and John Gilligan alias Forbes, aged 29 years, of Malleson Street, Richmond, clerk, were sentenced by Judge Richardson in General Sessions to imprisonment for terms of seven years each.

The defendants’ case probably wasn’t helped much by the “burglary at the Crown Law Office of the safe and the removal of the file of documents dealing with the case“.

I do also wonder whether researchers should be (somehow) asking Victorian retirees for reminiscences on the Lonsdale Street baccarat school. Whatever wall of silence was there in the 1940s and 1950s should have fallen down long ago.

Finally, I do also wonder whether one or more of Melbourne’s baccarat detectives might have recognized the Somerton Man, but then decided not to say a word? Money is money, after all: and silence can be golden.

Diane O’Donovan recently stumbled across a reference to a relatively little-known Italian-Jewish engineer / cryptographer / magician called Abraham Colorni (Abramo Colorni) who was for a short while at Rudolf II’s court: and wondered aloud (in some comments to Cipher Mysteries) what we might learn from his 1593 book on cryptography.

“Scotographia etc etc”

As you might expect, Colorni’s book title is badly afflicted by the prolixity so typical of the age: “Scotographia, ouero, Scienza di scriuere oscuro, facilissima, & sicurissima, per qual si voglia lingua : le cui diuerse inuentioni diuisi in tre libri, seruiranno in più modi, & per cifra, & per contra cifra : le quali, se ben saranno communi a tutti, potranno nondimeno usarsi da ogn’uno, senza pericolo d’essere inteso da altri, che dal proprio corrispondente”. That is, “Scotography, or the science of concealed writing, most easily and most securely, etc etc etc“.

Various physical copies exist: MIT Library, in the Cryptology Collection of UPenn’s Van Pelt Library (I always wondered what happened to Lucy), Harvard Library, BnF, the British Library, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences’ Library, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, and the Klau Library at Hebrew Union College in Cincinatti to name but eight. There are also microfilm copies at Herzog August Bibliothek and the British Library, if squinting into dusty old back-lit magnifying boxes floats your boat.

Obviously, what you’d actually like to know is what online versions exist. The BNCF website includes only a ragged copy of the first couple of folios of MAGL.3.8.24, which is not that impressive:

The Museo Galileo’s website has a complete set of scans of the BNCF MS, though (perhaps because the whole book has an unusual aspect ratio, i.e. it’s much wider than it is tall), all the Museo’s scans have come out vertically stretched by a factor of three in their reader (the “Reader” icon at the top of the page). This is also true of the PDF download option, e.g. how it is (left) and how it ought to be (right):


Alternatively, you can read the same pages from the index webpage, though only one at a time, and the (unstretched) image goes off the right hand edge of the web page unless you really widen the size of the browser window, which is annoying in a quite different way.

Having said that, none of this is fin du monde etc.

The Book’s Contents

As normal, the book starts with a seven-page laudatory preamble praising Colorni’s most magnificent patron, Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II, and explaining the symbolic meaning behind the four specific zodiac signs chosen for the frontispiece (Scorpio, Libra, Virgo, Leo):

The book continues with three main chapters (though the middle chapter is tiny), and then finishes up with an enormous enciphering table (more than half the remainder of the book). It also includes some interesting cryptographic figures which I don’t recall seeing elsewhere.

From what I have read, it seems to me (and feel free to correct this impression) that Colorni was not a theoretical codemaker or codebreaker. Though his cipher history account starts with the normal SCYTALE (long thin message wrapped around a stick) cipher yarn, his writing doesn’t seem informed by the work of contemporary crypto theoreticians such as Bellaso.

Rather, I suspect what happened was that Colorni collected together a series of cryptographic tricks (such as nulls, verbose cipher, etc) and then adapted and extended them into something cunning and ingenious which he believed to be practically impregnable. So I think his book (to answer one of Diane’s questions) documents various cunning “peasant ciphers” rather than being part of a theoretical crypto mainstream.

Incidentally, just about the only ciphertext given in Colorni’s book (there are no challenge ciphers) is:

GWGHPCXKGBEDMMYWOPWQPWO
HMAAHXNAYLPKOOBPXKFFLTGWYIXG

Feel free to try to crack it if you wish. 🙂

Colorni and the Voynich Manuscript?

But, Diane continues, might it have been Abraham Colorni who brought the Voynich Manuscript to Rudolf II’s Golden Court in Prague? Superficially, Colorni would certainly seem to tick many of the boxes, and there’s unlikely to be evidence out there that explicitly proves that he didn’t bring it. (After all, what are the chances a letter now turns up saying “It wasn’t me, Abraham Colorni, who sold that scandalous naked women cipher book to the Emperor, it was that blasted John Dee“?)

All the same, I don’t believe that Colorni’s book’s introductory dedication to Rudolf II (written in 1593) mentions anything sounding at all like the Voynich Manuscript (as always, please feel free to correct me if I’m wrong). It does namecheck Oedipus, but presumably for broadly the same reasons that Georg Baresch also (independently) namechecked Oedipus several decades later.

Perhaps a more productive route to take would be to look at Colorni’s correspondence, and see if that casts any light on the subject. And, very helpfully, there are (at least) two freely downloadable 19th century articles by Professor Giuseppe Jarè that might assist us in this regard:

Both articles include transcriptions of a number of letters (in both Latin and Italian) culled from numerous archives. In fact, the second article contains so many that I suspect that Jarè must have had Colorni as an ongoing research interest for some twenty years or more.

Though some of these definitely mention Colorni’s Scotographia, I didn’t notice anything related to the Voynich Manuscript in there. However, others more observant and diligent than me may have more luck: and wouldn’t that be nice? 😉

Secondary Literature on Abraham Colorni

Though I’ve tried to limit my discussion here of Abraham Colorni to primary evidence, there is also a pretty good modern literature on him if you’re interested:

  • The age of secrecy : Jews, Christians, and the economy of secrets, 1400-1800 – Daniel Jütte
  • Or, in German: Das Zeitalter des Geheimnisses : Juden, Christen und die Ökonomie des Geheimen, (1400-1800) – Daniel Jütte
  • Trading in secrets : Jews and early modern quest for clandestine knowledge (Isis, Vol. 103 (2012), p. 668-68)
  • Il prestigiatore di Dio : avventure e miracoli di un alchimista ebreo nelle corti del Rinascimento – Ari’el To’af – Milano : Rizzoli, 2010
  • Rene Zandbergen also points out there is a chapter on Colorni by Vladimir Karpenko in:Alchemy and Rudolf II, Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries, edited by Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko, Artefactum, Prague (2016), though probably building on Daniel Jütte’s book.

A Needle In A Haystack?

For twenty-plus years, Rene Zandbergen and a whole host of others have invested a lot of time into trying to dig up references / historical evidence relating to the Voynich Manuscript’s (probable) time at Rudolf II’s court: but have so far found nothing.

From what I know, I don’t currently believe that Abraham Colorni will turn out to be the missing link, the “Herald” (in Joseph Campbell / Hero’s Journey terms): rather I think that if it did make its way to Rudolf II’s court, it was very much towards the end of his rule (notionally at Rudolf II’s death in 1612, but he was under a kind of house arrest by his brother Matthias for the last few years – families, eh, who’d have ’em?). And with Colorni dying in 1599, the two therefore probably didn’t overlap in Prague.

All the same, I find Professor Giuseppe Jarè’s articles hugely heartening, because he was able to collect together from a whole list of archives all manner of correspondence relating to Colorni: and that gives us access to a evidential slice cutting through Colorni’s life.

So perhaps the right thing to do, Voynich-wise, is to stop looking for a needle in a haystack – i.e. a single perfect piece of evidence – and to instead start looking for a sewing box in a haystack. By this I mean collections of diligently-collected letters and documents not unlike Jarè’s collection of Colorni’s correspondence, but for technical-minded court insiders who were at Rudolf II’s court nearer the end.

The best attempt at doing this so far has been by looking at the correspondence between Duditius and Tadeáš Hájek z Hájku (1525-1600), who was Rudolf II’s Imperial Astronomer, as studied by Josef Smolka (with help from Rene Zandbergen). I previously discussed their lack of (Voynich-related) success here, and concluded that the 1600-1612 period might be more fruitful.

But do we have a list of people who we might even consider as candidates for this kind of search? One would have thought that the 15 volumes of Tyco Brahe’s correspondence (in Tychonis Brahe Dani Opera omnia) to 1601 would have been thoroughly mined by Voynich researchers by now. Christoph Rothmann (of Kassel) similarly died in 1600, while Caspar Peucer died in 1602. Even so, I suspect we are likely to have no luck with any of them.

Has anyone trawled through Kepler’s correspondence looking for partial or indirect references to the Voynich Manuscript? I’m thinking that perhaps the best way forward would be to look at the network of correspondents linked to Kepler in the 1600-1615 period. The letters between Kepler and Galileo are well-known, but they surely can’t make up even 25% of Kepler’s correspondence, right?

Perhaps one of these letter writers will have heard mention of the Voynich Manuscript: and perhaps this is how the first big piece in the Voynich jigsaw will be found, who can say? 🙂

In my opinion, the Voynich Manuscript’s nine rosette page has a bit of a problem with its pipes. However, to show you why I think so, I first need to take you on a journey through the rest of the Voynich Manuscript…

Q19A containers

Because of their visual similarity to the pipe tops, let’s start by working our way through all the container tops in Quire 19 (‘Q19’). Q19 is made up of two wide bifolios: every single container depicted in Q19 has what appears to be an open top (i.e. no lid or covering), giving them an initial feeling of having been meant to be bound together.

However, if you look carefully at the containers on the inner bifolio (f100+f101), you’ll see that these are all substantially simpler than the containers on the outer bifolio (f99+f102). This makes me strongly suspect that the containers on the inner bifolio were drawn first.

Hence I’ll start by going through the containers in the inner (simpler) bifolio, which I’ll call Q19A (f100+f101). These container tops all appear to have been filled in with faded light yellow paint, that I think is typical of the earliest stages of construction; there is no sign of vertical parallel hatching; some have rows of dots around them; all are very simple.

f100r
f100v
f101r
f101v

Q19B containers

Contrast the preceding Q19A containers (f100+f101) with the Q19B containers (f99+f102) bound around them. These containers start simple (in fact, almost exactly as simple as all the Q19A containers), but quickly grow in complexity. Rows of dots ‘inside’ the container neck on f99 morph into vertical parallel hatching by f102r1: while the parallel hatching starts by yielding to the surface of a liquid in the container (f102r1), before finally going all the way down the neck of the container on f102v2:

f99r
f99v
f102r1
f102r2
f102v2
f102v1

Q15 containers

More than a decade ago, I argued that Q15 was almost certainly intended to have been read after Q19. This was because there is an ever-increasing complexity to the depictions of containers in both quires, growing from simple open-topped containers at the start of Q19 (as above) to Byzantine (and almost impossible to actually construct) containers by the end of Q15.

You can see the direct visual continuity between the last page of Q19 (f102v) and the first page of Q15 (f88r) here (clearly these two were overpainted by different people, using different quality inks and indeed paint strokes):

Voynich Manuscript, f102v jars placed next to f88r jars

Q15 has only one open-topped container (top left of f88r, right at the start of the quire), while all Q15’s other containers appear to have lids, again supporting the idea that this top left container marks a kind of hand-over point between Q19 and Q15:

Here we can see full-height vertical parallel hatching inside the container neck (as per the hatching on f102v2), yet another indication that Q15 should probably be read as following Q19B.

Pipe evolution

I believe the way that these pipes are drawn may well be telling us a story about how the manuscript was constructed, e.g. the order of construction (Q19A, then Q19B, then Q15). We’ll use this basic model shortly as a lens to take a fresh look at the nine rosette page’s pipe drawings.

Furthermore, I think it would be interesting to look again at the text patterns on the (Currier A) pharma pages to see if they too follow some kind of evolutionary path mirroring the pipe evolution sequence. The pipes would seem to predict that Herbal A -> Q19A -> Q19B -> Q15.

Marginalia container

We can use our new micro-model to take another look at the container that is part of the f66r marginalia:

f66r marginalia

Here we can see the hint of sketchy dots or vertical hatching going down to a painted liquid surface, which would seem to date the marginalia to around the time of the Q19A / Q19B writing phases.

Oddly, f66r is a Currier B page: which would seem to imply that the Currier B on f66r may well have been written before the Currier A on the Q19B bifolio. Something to think about, then.

The NW rosette pipes

OK, so now we’re ready to move onto the nine rosette page (I’ll leave the odd pipes in Q13A and the Pisces/Aries tubs for another day, this is already too long a post).

Let’s start with the single set of pipes in the NW rosette:

It shouldn’t be hard to see that these pipes have a fair few drawing issues. For a start, the pipe ends are circles, not perspective-style ovals. Also, you can see traces of faint yellow paint inside the circles (none of the other pipes have this). It also looks to me as though the dark areas in the middle have been added over the top of the blue paint. And yet the blue paint on the top left circle seems to have been painted on top of the inner circle.

Further, there are no parallel markings or rows of dots on the inside of the pipes. I’m also not at all clear about the codicological relationship between the blue and yellow paint: I suspect the faint yellow paint was put down first, and then the blue on top at a different time.

Compare these with a typical cluster of pipes from the central rosette:

Here, there’s no colour in the pipes at all: there’s (faint) evidence of parallel hatching down the inner back wall of the pipe. The rear pipes of the group are occluded by the dominant central pipe: there are rows of dots along the outside of most of the pipes, just below the front edge of the top rim. The side edges of the pipes are also lined up well with the side edges of the top rims.

It may not be a comfortable starting point, but I can’t easily equate the pipes attached to the NW rosette with the pipes attched to the central rosette. My belief is therefore that the five circles in the NW rosette were originally drawn as free-standing circles (and please don’t ask me what this pattern means, because I don’t know), and that the pipe bodies (and the five central dark areas inside the circular ends, to make them resemble pipe tops) connecting them to the rosette were added afterwards.

Moreover, I suspect that the bodging to the NW rosette’s circles to turn them into pipes was done around the time of the Q19A (simple container layer), while the sophisticated ‘fantasia’ pipes added to the central rosette were probably added after the Q19B/Q15 container layer.

I think this also implies that the pipes all around the central rosette don’t have any actual meaning, but were rather added to try to draw attention away from the five fake pipes in the NW rosette. So, of all the pipework drawings on the nine rosette page, only the five circles (at most) had some kind of actual meaning, while the rest of the pipework there would seem to be decoration and/or distraction.

The other story this seems to be telling is that there was not a simple do-a-single-section-and-then-move-on approach to the construction of the Voynich Manuscript: rather, that multiple layers were added and updated at different times, i.e. with a somewhat more reflective and adaptive mindset.

That is, it would seem that the VMs was not a simple fire-and-forget project, but instead something that involved a lot of thought and practical finessing over a period of time. Quite why it needed so much refinement and empirical subtlety I have no idea: but it is what it is.

Wolkenband Layering

If we look at the bridge between the N rosette and the central rosette, I think we can see at least one type of layering quite clearly:

And no, I don’t think that these are simply an artifact of the scribe sharpening his or her quill, or starting a fresh batch of iron gall ink. I’ll specifically highlight the two layers here:

That is, I think that the original outside edge of the central rosette was the wolkenband ‘cloud’ motif (which is, after all, what wolkenbanden signified, i.e. a kind of liminal edge between levels or worlds): and that the pipes around the central rosette were added as part of a separate phase.

This would mean that the central rosette started out as essentially just the exploding onion domes and the wolkenband outer ring: everything else there would seem to be surplus decoration. The north-west rosette too would seem to have originally contained be little more than a series of 37 crescent moons, plus a mysterious set of five circles outside it. (Note that the blue contact transfers near the centre of the NW rosette appear to me to have come from the SW rosette, rather than from a facing herbal or pharma page etc.)

Please understand that I don’t know why any of this should be, I’m merely documenting what I find.