If you recall, a French journalist claimed that the real identity of mysterious wife murderer Henri Debosnys was in fact poetic fantasist Edward (Edouard) Keff: and that the journalist had been at the Lycee Charlemagne in Paris with Keff in 1845 (at the age of about 12).

Unfortunately, my previous efforts to trace any such Edouard Keff using (the usually pretty good) filae.com and (the often moderately frustrating) geneanet.org had proven unsuccessful. So I decided to approach the same hunt from a completely different angle…

How To Look For Someone Who Isn’t There

The French archives are pretty good, but they – like pretty much all archives ever – can have holes that seem (inevitably) to (not) contain the things you are trying to find. So: what I tried to do this time round was to look for a Keff family with a connection to Paris, but with a gap in their documented children around 1833.

Through filae.com, I found a Nicolas Keff born in Paris’ 5e Arrondissement on 12 Feb 1848, but who died on 28 Apr 1849. I also found a Pierre Keff who died in Paris’ 5e Arrondissement on 29 Aug 1848. From that, it seemed fairly likely that Pierre Keff had been Nicolas Keff’s father. Might I be able to find any older brothers or sisters born to the same father?

It didn’t take long to find Pierre Keff’s wife and most of their children (though note that most of the family trees I found on Geneanet were woefully incomplete). So here are the details I was able to dig up:

Pierre Keff & Catherine Andre

Pierre Keff

  • b. 21 Aug 1801, Hombourg, Moselle, to Jean Keff & Eve Weiss
  • d. 29 Aug 1848, Paris 5e Arrondissement

Catherine Andre

  • b. 10 Oct 1805 to Pierre Andre and Anne Marie Hamann
  • in 1894, living in Rue des Dames, 15e Arrondissement, Asnieres (Seine)

The two married on 20 Oct 1830, Hombourg-Haut, Moselle

Pierre Keff & Catherine Andre’s Children

Jean Keff

  • b. 1830, Hombourg Haut, Moselle.
  • d. 1830, Hombourg Haut, Moselle.

Jean Michel Keff

  • b. 23 Sep 1831, Hombourg Haut, Moselle.
  • d. 05 July 1853, Terre-de-Haut, Guadeloupe

Marguerite Keff

  • b. 15 May 1837, Bouzonville
  • d. 13 Jan 1843, Bouzonville

Therese Keff (an “artiste dramatique”)

  • b. 02 Apr 1839, Bouzonville
  • m. Joseph Claude Branciard (theatre director) [b. ~1836]
  • d. 1894

Jean Keff

  • b. 25 July 1841, Bouzonville

Elisabeth Keff

  • b. 11 April 1843, Bouzonville

Madelaine Keff

  • b. January 1844, Bouzonville
  • d. 13 January 1844

Joseph Keff

  • b. 30 Apr 1845, Bouzonville
  • d. 19 Jan 1846

[+ probably Nicolas Keff, as mentioned above]

Minding The Gap?

Having now looked at lots of French archives from around this time, marriage was often linked with / triggered by a birth in the same year as the wedding; and that this was then followed by the appearance of children every 1-2 years thereafter (but also, sadly, suffering a lot of infant mortality).

In the case of the Keff/Andre family, we see them both getting married and having their first child in 1830; and then having children in 1831, 1837, 1839, 1841, 1843, 1844, 1845, and probably 1848.

Now, I can’t easily prove that they had more children in the period 1832-1836 (but probably not in either Hombourg-Haut or Bouzonville, where the records seem to be pretty good): but I have to say that it does seem likely. But I can pretty much prove that they were in the 5e Arrondissement in 1848 (when Pierre died) and probably in Paris beyond that (because Catherine Andre ended up in the 15e Arrondissement in 1894).

All the same, that’s all that I was able to find by searching filae.com etc.

…But Here’s The Twist I Wasn’t Expecting

Even though I was being completely logical and sensible with all the above searching, I have to point out (somewhat annoyingly) that I was also being a complete idiot. Because the Jean Keff born on 25 July 1841 in Bouzonville was (if had stopped to think about it) also exactly the same Jean Keff who I had previously traced to the Bagne de Toulon and beyond: while his brother Pierre Keff (not listed above) who I had also traced to the Bagne de Toulon and beyond was born in 13 May 1833 in Chateaurouge, Moselle.

So, without even realising that that was what I was doing, I had actually reconstructed the rest of the Keff bagnards’ family tree sideways and upwards (note that I had already found a fair few of their children).

Hence my suspicion that Pierre Keff and Catherine Andre had more children in the 1832-1836 period turned out to be correct: and the place where they were living around then was almost certainly Chateaurouge (6km from Bouzonville, and 35km from Hombourg-Haut), where their son Pierre Keff was born.

Looking at children born in Chateaurouge around that time, there was also a Catherine Keff born there on 03 Apr 1835 (but the listing has no mention of who her parents were). Even so, if she had been born to Pierre Keff and Catherine Andre, she would have been their first-born daughter, so it would be entirely conventional to name her after her mother: hence I’d be utterly unsurprised if she was their daughter.

So we can probably extend the list of children’s birth years to 1830, 1831, 1833, (probably) 1835, 1837, 1839, 1841, 1843, 1844, 1845, and (probably) 1848.

Still Looking For Edouard Keff…

Putting all the above together, it seems entirely rational to me to wonder whether the same parents had an additional child called Edouard in Chateaurouge around 1832-1834, particularly given that we already know so much about that boy’s somewhat infamous brothers. Even so, I can’t help but feel that I’m now really really running out of source documents to trawl my way through, so what other documents might there be out there that can I go looking for now? That question, alas, is as far as I’ve got this time round. 🙁

I recently emailed FSSA (Forensic Science South Australia) for an update on their forensic investigation into the Somerton Man. They very kindly replied:

SA Police have carriage of the investigation to identify the Somerton Man. We have had a forensic case meeting recently in Adelaide involving Forensic Science SA, National DNA Program for Unidentified Human Remains and Missing People, and Major Crime Investigation Branch.  This has identified the sequence of a variety of forensic opportunities that will be implemented over the coming months in an effort to identify him.

This is, of course, excellent news, because it means that FSSA has determined that the Somerton Man’s exhumed remains do present a number of viable forensic opportunities to identify him, which they will be pursuing before very long.

At this point, all I can do is quote Sherlock Holmes in Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s “The Adventure of the Abbey Grange“:

“Come, Watson, come!” he cried. “The game is afoot. Not a word! Into your clothes and come!”

My last post discussed the various copies of Antonio Guayneri’s De Balneis still extant: since then, I have (with the kind help of Stefano Guidoni) managed to get phone scans of MS Torino 1200 (with the shelfmark H.II.16). I also found a nice site with solid information about Guayneri, including his epitaph from the Church of San Michele in Pavia, where he and his wife were buried:

Hippocrates medicae basis Galienus et Isach
Et quod Avicenna scivit humatur ibi
Haec est Antonius Guaynerius abditus arca
Philosophus medicae maximus artis honor
Famaque qua celebris par sibi nullus erat
Par sibi sola fuit veritate et nomine coniux
Antonia ut thalami sic tumulique comes
Hos Deus ad coelos exutos corpore traxit
Ne superis tantus abesset honor

Anyway, once I was able to see that the various versions of Guayneri’s text were broadly the same as each other (i.e. with only moderate differences), I transcribed the easiest one to read – which was the one that appears in the 1553 Giunta Venetian print edition – and placed my transcription on the Cipher Foundation site.

Naturally, this is where I started trying to make a breezy (i.e. Thorndike-style) translation of Guayneri’s five chapters, with the help of online translators and my schoolboy Latin: but given that I’m not in any way a full-on Latinist, a lot sits well beyond my abilities. 🙁

Rough Summary of Guayneri’s Five Chapters

Nonetheless, here’s a rough outline of the stuff I could make out:

  • Chapter 1 is a load of wretched pseudo-historical patron-facing waffle. (Sorry, but it is.)
  • Chapter 2 talks (after more waffle) about how the virtues of the waters change in May from limpid to green. This is like a lake in Macedonia that was reported by Pliny to change its virtues around the heliacal rising of Sirius (i.e. August-ish);
  • Chapter 3 talks about how the Marquis of Mantua’s numerous medical conditions were sorted out by going to the baths, and how good the baths are for gout, gammy knees, swellings, and even for a paralyzed hand. There’s a fountain in the corner of a stone wall that enabled people to have a shower: this shower even cured one man of his tinnitus. Oh, and it’s good for catarrh, asthma, colic, constipation. Oh, and it also helps urinary problems, kidney stones, menstruation, and with conception. Oh, and it’s also good for long-standing headaches, paralysis, convulsions, trembling, lethargy, colds, loss of smell, loss of taste, gum softening, chronic coughs, asthma, stomach problems, dropsy, worms, sciatica, gout, and skin infections.
  • Chapter 4 is just too tangled and difficult for me to make out, sorry. 🙁
  • Chapter 5 includes some abbreviated recipes for remedies, which are also way beyond my school Latin: “Vel facias fic. recip. ol ei myrti.olei masti. ann drach.j pulueris myrtillorum: cypres. bistor. masti. terrae sigil. ana. scrup.ij ceraeparum: & fiat vnguentum.“, for example, and “Vel facias sic. recip. vnguenti al. Gal. vnc.ij.camphorae & hoc vbi magna affuerit flamma. drach. ij. sanda. ru. spodij ro. ann vnc. 5. incorporentur simul parum aceti commiscendo : & hepati vnctio fiat.“, as well as the much fruitier” Syrupi item aceto. drach.ij.vel de ribes, de succo acetosae de acetositate citri : de lymonibus, de agresta, vel consimilis cum.drach.iij.aquae endi exhibere in aurora multum confert” It also describes how to make and administer clysters effectively. The author once again reminds you that you should go to these baths in May when their powers are at their strongest.

Thoughts, Nick?

Well, even if Chapter 4’s Latin is a bit too messy for me to properly summarise, I think it’s overall pretty clear that even though this is an interesting first-half-of-the-fifteenth-century balneological text, the chances of a structural mapping between it and the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13B section seem painfully close to zero. So I think we can probably rule this out as a 15th century source text. (There are several more I’ll be moving onto, this was only the first one on my list.)

At the same time, I will be unsurprised if the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13B turns out to have a broadly similar mix of balneology, patron-facing bumf, and annoyingly abbreviated recipes. So it certainly feels like I’m knocking on the right kind of door here, even if nobody was home on this particular occasion.

Triolets, Rondeaux, and Christine de Pisan

As an aside, Byron Deveson recently suggested in a comment here that the poem-like section in Q13 might possibly be a triolet, a (roughly-eight-line) repetitive poem form from the late Middle Ages.

A quick search revealed that it wasn’t technically called a triolet until nearer the end of the 15th century: and that before that it was a format only used for French language poems, and better known as a “rondel”.

Perhaps the most famous rondel poet was Christine de Pisan: though born in the Republic of Venice, she ended up in France with her father (who was an astrologer for Charles VI). She became a full-time French-language poet, often adapting the rondel’s 7-line or 8-line format to suit the needs of the poem at hand:

Dure chose est a soustenir
Quant cuer pleure et la bouche chante;
Et de faire dueil se tenir
Dure chose est a soustenir.
Faire le fault qui soustenir.
Veult honneur qui mesdisans hante,
Dure chose est a soustenir

(Translated rather nicely as)

Life’s a bitch, moving on with things,
Crying heart, with the songs so haunting,
Seeking help in what mourning brings.
Life’s a bitch, moving on with things.
Meeting needs, working hard, moody swings,
Honor’s mine, though the gossip’s daunting.
Life’s a bitch, moving on with things

Might this be what we see in the Voynich? Possibly, but it would (a) require the plaintext to be French, and (b) require a complicated enciphering system that was able to encipher the same plaintext in multiple quite different ways.

It’s perhaps (as I suggested a couple of years ago) more likely to be the poem by Claudian (370AD-404AD) (“Fons, Antenoreae vitam qui porrigis urbi, / Fataque vicinis noxia pellis aquis“) quoted by Ioannis et Iacobi de Dondis Patavinorum in their balneological work (also in Giunta). There, the first section runs like this:

Fons, Antenoreae vitam qui porrigis urbi
fataque vicinis noxia pellis aquis,
cum tua vel mutis tribuant miracula vocem,
cum tibi plebeius carmina dictet honos
et sit nulla manus, cuius non pollice ductae
testentur memores prospera vota notae:
nonne reus Musis pariter Nymphisque tenebor,
si tacitus soli praetereare mihi?
ludibrium quid enim fas est a vate relinqui
hunc qui tot populis pervolat ora locum?

Which the Loeb Classics translate as:

Fount that prolongest life for the dwellers in Antenor’s city, banishing by thy neighbouring waters all harmful fates, seeing that thy marvels stir utterance even in the dumb, that a people’s love bids poets to honour thee in song, and that there is no hand whose fingers have not traced for thee some lines in thankful witness of prayers granted, shall I not be held guilty alike by the Muses and the Nymphs if I alone sing not thy praises? How can a spot whose fame is on so many lips rightly be passed over by me in slighting silence?

Still, a fair few fifteenth century balneological texts to go yet…

Want to know about Antonio Guayneri? As always, Step One is to open Thorndike’s “History of Magic & Experimental Science” Book IV, and go straight to the index. OK: “Guaineri, Antonio, Chap. XLVII”. Let’s go, boiz.

Thorndike largely contents himself with extracting the list of Guaineri’s (many) individual books from the 1481 editio princeps printed at Pavia, as per the copy he examined “in the E. C. Streeter collection at the New York Academy of Medicine”. As far as manuscript copies of the de balneis go, he lists only Turin 1200 (H-II-16; Pasini Lat. 533), 15th century (I think this is dated 1451, ref “V K 10”?).

We also know that Guayneri’s de balneis appears in Pavia MS Aldini 488 (f70v-f74r) [not available online], and BNF Nouv. Acq. Lat 211 [1469, accessible online, but only in black and white]. There’s a 1481 copy online here (which seems to have postdated the 1481 incunabulum). A manuscript copy appears in the 1553 Venetian Giunta print compilation of balneological books (probably the most accessible source), where the text seems very close to MS Aldini 488 (which is in turn very close to BNF Nouv Acq Lat 211).

Guayneri began working on his de balneis around 1435 (when he accompanied his patron to a thermal bath), and then completed it in 1439, according to this article (in Italian). Hence from my Voynichese perspective, I find this interesting because his de balneis is both broadly in the right date range, and short enough to match the general size of the Voynich’s Q13B.

Annoyingly, while Thorndike lists the chapter headings for Michele Savonarola’s book on thermal baths in one of his appendices, he doesn’t do the same for Guayneri’s de balneis (probably because of its brevity). So I’m going to have to summarise its contents the hard way (dash and darn it).

Regardless, the first thing I do is to try to find the earliest copy of any given text I can. So… can I track down the MS Torino 1200 mentioned by Thorndike?

MS Torino 1200 [1451]

According to a 1922 inventory of Italian manuscripts, the contents of MS Torino 1200 (H-II-16, Cod Cart Lat, sec XV, cc 141) are/were as follows (all in Latin):

  1. Marco Marsilio da S. Sofia. Receptae super I-IV. Avicennae de febribus.
  2. Calvis Paulus de Mudila. (Calvi Paolo da Modena). Liber de urinis.
  3. Guainerio, Antonio. De Balneis Aquensibus in Ducatu Montisferrati.
  4. Guainerio, Antonio. Tractatus de mulierum aegritudinibus.
  5. Bernerio Gerardo. Consultationes medicae.
  6. Petrus de Ebeno (Pietro d’Abano). Tractatus de venenis, eorumque medela.
  7. Gentili, Gentile. Tractatus de proportione medicinarum.
  8. Guainerio, Antonio. Tractatus de fluxibus.

However, I can’t tell whether this manuscript was a victim of the infamous fire of 1904: though many mss were destroyed, many others were rescued or restored. (The Biblioteca was also bombed in 1942.) I found a picture of a similar Torino manuscript that had suffered fire damage in this (Italian) article:

The silver lining from the 1904 Turin fire was the rapid increase in the specialist knowledge of how to restore badly damaged manuscripts. For example, the above fragment was restored to this state:

As an aside, there are some truly epic pictures showing the Italian restorers’ numerous tricks at the end of this other (Italian) article, which I highly recommend.

As an aside, the only Antonio Guayneri manuscripts I found in Italian library catalogues were:

  • Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Manoscritti, A 108 inf. (1474), which had just about everything else Guayneri wrote (but not his De balneis); and
  • Modena, Biblioteca Estense – Universitaria, Estense, Lat. 607 = alfa.9.13, which only had his De calculosa passione.

I can only really assume (unless you know better?) that MS Torino 1200 was destroyed, probably in the 1942 bombing. So I’m instead going to work with BNF Nouv Acq Lat 211, which seems to be a 1469 copy of a 1454 copy.

BNF Nouv Acq Lat 211 [1469]

You might think that the smart transcription shortcut would be to grab a copy of the 1553 Giunta balneological compilation “De Balneis omnia quae extant” (fol. 43 ff.) and see how close that gets you. However, if you do, you’ll quickly find that the text has plenty of itty bitty Latin abbreviations while the OCR is far from perfect. And then you’ll find that there are plenty of places where the print version seems to have taken plenty of liberties with the text (presumably to make it more palatable to a print audience more than a century later). And the abbreviations are used in an entirely different way.

So rather than map this 16th century print rendering onto the 1469 manuscript copy, what I actually ended up doing was using the 1553 Giunta book to roughly guide me as I transcribed the 1469 manuscript (if that makes sense).

So, here’s a quick initial transcription (i.e. I haven’t corrected this at all) to give you a feeling of what we’re looking at here, in all its funky abbreviated glory. More to follow in other posts, particularly on the middle chapters:

ANTONII GUAYNERII PAPIENSIS DE BALNEIS AQUIS CIVITATIS
ANTIQUE QUE IN MARCHIONATU MONTISFERRATI SITA SU[N]T
TRACTATUS INCIPIT
Quia no[n]nulli viri doctissimi, quor[um]da[m] balneo[rum] i[n] Italia existe[n]tiu[m] virtutes desc[ri]pseru[n]t p[ro]p[ter] mirabiles ip[s]o[rum] effectus, h[ab]ita su[n]t adeo famosa, vt a re[m]otissimis p[ar]tib[us], caterua langue[n]tium dicti[ua] [con]fluat. Su[n]t ite[m] alia de q[ui]b[us] tum p[ro]p[ter] guerras, tum p[ro]p[ter] euenientes ta[m] febro[?]  pestes, apud modernos nulla sc[ri]ptura rep[er]it[ur]. Et n[isi] sup[er] excelle[n]tis virtutes essent, de eis a[m]plius me[n]tio nulla fieret.
[*] Haec quoq[ue] que dixi tam virtuosa balnea, i[n] marchio[n]atu Mo[n]tisferrati i[n] mobilissimo olim aeque sane co[m]itatu, in simulatio vni[us] ciuitatis, que ab ip[s]is aq[ui]s cal[d]is nome[n] retinuit sita sunt.
[*] Ea enim Aqui ciuitas illi[us] antiquissimi co[m]ptat[us] caput e[st].
[*] Et q[uia] illie aqui calide i[n] numerabilib[us] eg[ritudini]bus s[u]b ueniebant, aque sane antiq[ui]tus vocaba[n]t[ur]. Et ad huc aq[ui] sane co[m]itat[us] dict[us] e[st]. Fuit hec qua[m] dixi ta[m] antiqua ciuitas, a, siluio p[ri]mo latino[rum] rege, [con]dita, vt ei[us] i[n] analib[orum] legi. Et quo et tu[n]c syluia dicta e[st].
[*] Post adue[n]tum vero [Christi], hi semp[er] fidelissimi fuere [christi]ani: sic vt [?]esis i[n] eis nu[n]q[uam] rep[er]ta sit. Cui[us] c[aus]a beat[us] papa siluester ep[iscop]alem sedem sibi [con]donauit. A quo deinceps syluestris dicta e[st].
[*] Ve[rum] totie[n]s hec misella ciuitas euersa e[st]: vt tam silie, q[uam] siluest[r]e, no[min]ibus abolitis, antiquu[m] solu[m] aq[ui]s retinuit nome[n]
[*] Que octi[n]gentos tam a[n]nos sub dictione sup[er]illustris [...]

[...]

Capitulu[m] [secundu]m. De balneo[rum] ext[ri]nseco[rum] notificatio[n]e, at que et qualis sit tam ext[ri]nseco[rum] qu[em] i[n]t[ri]nseco[rum] minera, quib[us] quoq[ue] i[n] generali eg[ri]tudinib[us] [con][uener?]unt.

[...]

Capitulu[m] [tertiu]m. Que si[n]t balneo[rum] p[re]sc[ri]pto[rum] p[ro]p[ri]etates
ac quibus p[ar]ticularibus eg[ri]tudinibus [con]ueniunt.

[...]

Capitulum [quartu]m. Qua[lit]er ta[m] balneis, q[uam] ceno, q[uam] stufa vti debe[amus],
& de modo bibendi aqua[m] fontis.

[...]

Capitulum [quintu]m. De mo[do] succurre[n]di, accidentib[us], q[uo] ex his balneis accidu[n]t, qn p[er]fectiora su[n]t. Et q[ua]ntu[m] sit tibi te[m]pus i[m]mora[n]du[m].

[...]

[*] Explicit tractatus pro balneis de aqu[ui]s. Editus p[er] claru[s] artui[?] et medicine doctore[m] magistru[m] Antoniu[m] de guaynariis papiensius
Finitus, die xxi maii, 1454, hora xvii. Laus deo.

Even if we can’t (yet) read the Voynich Manuscript’s inscrutable ‘Voynichese’ text, and even if many (if not most) of its bifolios appear to be misordered and misbound, there are still a handful of places where we can (I think) reconstruct its original bifolio nesting. (Despite my own intensive efforts to do this for the whole manuscript circa 2006, it seems that no codicologist has attempted to do this in any useful way in the 15 years since.)

In my opinion, these few places offer us far more structural information to help guide our search for a precursor (source) document than if we were looking at a single isolated bifolio. And if we can find a precursor document, then we (hopefully) have a what is effectively a Rosetta Stone for Voynichese: so the stakes are quite high.

In other posts, I’ve described (what Glen Claston termed) “Q13B”, which appears to be a two-bifolio illustrated balneological ‘book’ (i.e. what we would now call a ‘chapter’) misordered and misbound within the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13 (quire 13). This post attempts to deconstruct Q13B into its inner sections, to support the work of comparing Q13B with candidate treatises in future posts.

f84r

This first page of our two-bifolio set appears to depict three linked baths: the top bath level has six (probably stone) arches, the middle bath level appears elongated, while the lower bath is more broadly circular.

The top bath has some kind of piping at the left that seems to be funnelling water into it. The middle bath has three distinctive “pipe tops” or “circular pots”, which may possibly be connected to some medicinal practice. The lower bath’s second nymph from the left appears to be holding a ring or a circular object, which may again possibly be connected to some medicinal practice. The lower bath’s rightmost nymph appears to have orange-red hair.

To my eyes, the green, solid blue and solid red paint appear to be later additions, but the patchier blue, cheek rouge, and orange-red hair appear to be original colouring.

f84v-f78r

The many visual symmetries of this pair of pages strongly suggests (as I proposed back in 2006) that the two pages originally sat facing each other in the original (intended) nesting/binding order.

The pair of pages appear to be depicting a thermal bath complex made up of four natural baths, connected via some kind of (possibly terracotta?) piping. Each page appears to be made up of two sizeable paragraphs, with additional ‘label’ text attached to each of the four individual baths. Both pairs of baths appear to drain out to the bottom of their respective pages.

There is a curious unidentified detail close to the right hand edge of the lower bath on f84v (partially concealed by the ugly green paint). There is also a curious rock-like detail at the bottom-left edge of the lower bath on f78r.

f78v-f81r

This is the pair of pages that famously flagged (to John Grove many years ago?) that something tricky was going on with the bifolio order in Q13. The drawing crosses the central fold, strongly indicating that this was originally the central bifolio of a quire or gathering. It appears to depict a thermal bath complex, with a higher bath apparently with a plinth-like base (top right), a constructed bath (with seven arches), and where both baths feed into a lower bath also with a plinth (bottom right).

f81v-f75r

This pair of pages appears to depict two separate thermal baths. There is a pot at the bottom right of the left page’s bath. The right-hand page has two baths, the topmost with a vertical design and an exaggerated wolkenband at the top, possibly suggesting that it may be fed by rainwater rather than by a spring. This is connected to a smaller lower bath.

There is a large pot at the bottom of the top bath (with a nymph sitting in it); and a nymph halfway down the top bath appears to be holding a strange stake-like object.

f75v

The final page of the two-bifolio set depicts a pair of baths, the top one with an exaggerated wolkenband feeding into a horizontally elongated bath. The lower of the pair of baths appears more naturalistic.

There is a pot partially hidden behind the leftmost nymph in the top bath. A nymph in the middle of the lower bath appears to be holding a sponge, possibly cleaning another nymph’s back. The nymph at the top right of the lower bath also seems to have a very distinctive hair arrangement (not sure if this can be dated).

Q13B’s bath complexes?

Having gone through Q13B’s pages in this way, I’m struck by the high likelihood that each connected set of baths is visually representing a specific thermal bath complex. In which case, the ordered sequence of bath complexes would seem to be:

  • a set of three baths, arches at the topmost level
  • a set of four baths
  • a set of three baths, one possibly with arched windows
  • a set of one bath
  • a set of two baths
  • a set of two baths

Furthermore, the pot-like visual motif that appears in several of the baths also seems likely to me to be flagging some kind of medicinal usage / behaviour associated with that individual bath. Many thermal baths of the era had specific medicinal practices associated with them, so this would not be a huge surprise.

As with just about all historical research, simply wanting to find things out isn’t enough: you really have to have a plan to guide you. And while I can see an awful lot of people who want to crack the Voynich Manuscript, I can’t currently see many who are trying to do so guided by anything that could be described as a plan.

Me and plans? We go a long way back. I’ve spent a long time trying to understand the Voynich’s drawings; a long time trying to understand its heavily structured writing; a long time trying to understand its codicology and development; a long time trying to find historical precedents (in terms of both visual and structural parallels); and a long time trying to reconstruct its path “from vellum to Prague“. But I think it’s fair to say that these different trees have all yielded small, stony fruit.

So it’s time for a new angle, a new direction of attack: this post describes my new plan that I’ve spent a few months figuring out. Make of it what you will (but wish me luck).

Quire 13 = Quire 13A + Quire 13B

When I first started looking for balneological parallels to the Voynich Manuscript’s Q13 (Quire 13) back in the early 2000s, I found nothing remotely resembling it. Q13’s mix of balneo plus strange tubing plus strange body-function pieces seemed a world away from the (generally plaintext, generally unremarkable) documents of the first half of the 15th century (which are often little more than Latin “Rules of the Baths”).

However, since 2006 my codicological understanding of what happened to Q13 (i.e. to leave it how we see it now) has come a long way. It’s not enough to grasp (as per my discussion in Curse 2006) that Q13’s bifolios ended up misnested (and this certainly happened early on, even before Q13’s 15th century quire number was added). Rather, to make sense of Q13, you have to see that it was originally formed from two separate gatherings – my late friend Glen Claston called these Q13A and Q13B – that were then shuffled together into a single oversized gathering, and then (mis-)bound into an oversized quire.

For Glen (actually Tim Rayhel), Q13A was the three “medical – biological – Galenic” bifolios, while Q13B comprised the two “Balneological” bifolios. You may disagree about the precise nesting Q13A had in its original ‘alpha’ state, but I think Q13B’s nesting order looks pretty rock solid, with f78v-f81r in the centre and f84-f75 (i.e. reversed relative to its position in Q13’s final ‘omega’ state) wrapped around it.

Ultimately, the huge takeaways from this for anyone searching for a balneological match are (a) the balneological section (in Q13B) is only half as big as you might otherwise think (i.e. Q13), (b) the source document for Q13B probably ‘travels’ with (i.e. “was typically copied alongside”) medical documents, and (c) it’s probably a ‘pure’ balneo text that we’re looking for.

Also: because we’re apparently missing a (folio-numbered) bifolio from Q13, it could well be that what we’re looking at with Q13B is only two thirds of a balneological ‘book’. However – and I think this is important – because we have an illustration that seems to run across a gathering’s centrefold, we can be reasonably sure that if so, we’re looking at the eight contiguous middle pages of a twelve-page document.

So we now have a lot more (and better) information about what we should be looking for in a balneological match (which we would hope to use as part of a known-plaintext attack on Q13B).

It should therefore be no surprise that my new plan is to search for a pre-1460 balneological source document where the central section matches the general structure of Q13B. I predict that this will be unillustrated, will not have been widely copied, and will typically be found bound alongside medical manuscripts.

I’m also expecting to have my search biased towards Northern Italian balneo sources (much as in 2006, I still suspect the Voynichese “4o” ligature was a Northern Italian palaeographic ‘tell’, one that was appropriated by numerous Northern Italian cipher keys 1440-1460), though I’ll initially cast my research net wider.

Constructing a Bibliography

Having said that, a key part of any historical research plan is working out an active bibliography (i.e. finding all the related scholarly works that have already done a significant part of the heavy digging), and then (somehow) getting access to them.

An excellent help in this regard proved to be the (open access) article “Le thermalisme médiéval et le gouvernement des corps : d’une recreatio corporis à une regula balnei ?” by Marilyn Nicoud, in Le thermalisme, by John Scheid, Marilyn Nicoud, Didier Boisseuil, et al. (pp.79-104).

Nicoud highlights numerous different sources on thermal baths, including a letter by Poggio Bracciolini to Niccolo Niccoli: and many different attitudes towards them, ranging from sexual indignation to Pope Pius II’s long sojourns to thermal baths in the 1460s, to mentions of thermal baths in the Datini correspondence (from the famous Merchant of Prato). [Interestingly, “The Duke and the Stars” by Monica Azzolini speaks approvingly of Nicoud as a kind of historiographical fellow-traveller.]

In terms of the actual treatise author Nicoud mentions, one might helpfully pick out a reasonable starting list:

  • Gentile da Foligno (died 1348) – [though Gentile seems somewhat early for us]
  • Francesco Casini da Siena, who around 1399-1401 wrote a huge treatise on Tuscan baths dedicated to Gian Galeazzo Visconti
  • Jerome of Viterbi, who wrote a treatise on thermal baths of his region dedicated to Pope Innocent VI
  • Benedetto Reguardati (one of Francesco Sforza’s most highly regarded doctors) wrote down the rules of the Bormio thermal baths, plus various other small books
  • Ugolino da Montecatini wrote a treatise on thermal baths at the start of the 15th century (in Tuscan, unusually)
  • Antonio Guainerio (died 1458) wrote a treatise on the thermal baths of Acqui Terme. (I remember reading about him in Thorndike, he also wrote a “tractatus de venenis” i.e. on poisons)
  • Michele Savonarola

See also Marilyn Nicoud, “Les Medecins Italiens et le bain thermal a la fin du moyen age” (Medievales 43, automne 2002, pp.13-40) on JSTOR, which mentions Florence Biblioteca nazionale XV. 189 and BnF nouv. acq. Lat. 211.

Of course, it goes without saying that many of the books cited by Nicoud are out of my meagre book budget price range. But it’s a starting point, and the British Library has recently reopened so… lots to do here.

In the meantime, here are some early rough notes, which I plan to expand into separate blog posts over the next few months.

Benedetto Reguardati / Benedictus de Nursia

De sanitate conservanda, to Astorgius episcopus Anconitanus. Salzburg St. Peter M 1 265, 15c, ff. 3-93 (Kr III 42)

De conservatione sanitatis. Paris BN lat. 14028, 15c (Kr III 233) [same as “De sanitate conservanda”]

Ugolino da Montecatini

De balneorum Italiae proprietatibus ac virtutibus (1417) – AKA Tractatus de balneis

Paris BN n.a. lat 211, 15c, ff. 54-70 (Kr III 277)

Tractatus de Balneis. Traduzione a cura di M. G. Nardi. 1950

Antonio Guainerio

The Bodleian helpfully lists a number of manuscripts from this Pavian doctor, many of which were later printed as incunabula and early books:

  • “De aegritudinibus propriis mulierum”
  • “De arthetica”
  • “De febribus”
  • “De peste”
  • “De uenenis”

Michele Savonarola

His Wikipedia article lists a number of his works, including “De balneis”.

See also: Crisciani, Chiara and Gabriella Zuccolin. Michele Savonarola, Medicina e cultura di corte, Micrologus’ Library. Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011. This includes a chapter by Marilyn Nicoud (of course) on his De Balneis.

See also: Arnaldo Segarizzi, Della vita e delle opere di Michele Savonarola medico padovano del secolo XV (Padua: Fratelli Gallina, 1900)… errrm… if you can find a copy of it. (Google’s copy appears to have disappeared, oddly.)

In her recent (2020) Manuscript Studies paper “How Many Glyphs and How Many Scribes? Digital Paleography and the Voynich Manuscript“, Lisa Fagin Davis builds up to the conclusion (p.179) “The fact that all of these collaborative methods involve Scribe 2 may suggest that she or he was in charge of the project in one way or another.

If this is the case, then I think the implicit question it suggests we ask is: what mistakes did Scribe 2 never make? That is, if Scribe 2 ‘knew what she or he was doing’ with Voynichese more than Scribes 1 and 3-5, we might sensibly expect Scribe 2 to make fewer scribal errors than the others. So, might we be able to use this prediction to tell good Voynichese (well, Currier B-ese, anyway) apart from miscopied Voynichese, hmmm?

The list of places where we can find Scribe 2 is as follows:

  • All the Herbal B pages (apart from the f41-f48 bifolium, which was written by Scribe 5)
  • The entire Q13 Balneo section
  • One side of the nine rosette foldout (Scribe 4 wrote the other side)
  • The first 12 lines of f115r (everything else in Q20 was written by Scribe 3)

One general problem with Voynichese is that – contrary to the wisdom of much of the Internet – it isn’t quite a game of two halves, i.e. a Currier A half and a Currier B half. Within those distinct variants, individual sections vary yet further: so, even though Q13 and Q20 are both ‘Currier B’, each one’s use of Currier B presents plenty of differences from the other. So if we are looking for differences, we have to be careful not to get caught up in the subtleties of how the (for want of a better word) style of Voynichese itself shifts between sections.

As a result, the two specific comparisons I think we should interested in here are the Herbal B pages (i.e. how does Scribe 5’s use of Voynichese differ from Scribe 2’s?) and the Voynichese on f115r (i.e. how does Scribe 3’s use of Voynichese differ from Scribe 3’s?). Let’s dive in and have a closer look…

Herbal B: Scribe 5 vs Scribe 2

The issue here is essentially comparing Scribe 5’s writing on f41 and f48 with Scribe 2’s writing on f26, f31, f33, f34, f39, f40, f43, f46, f50 and f55. Sadly, voynichese.com only offers a single filter of Currier A vs Currier B pages, which makes it not quite as useful as it might be (i.e. we’d like to do tests on [Herbal B + Scribe 2] vs [Herbal B + Scribe 5]). Maybe someone will add an LFD Scribe filter at some point in the future. 😉

But there is yet another dimension of difficulty to throw into the mix: transcription ambiguities. Because transcribers have quite a torrid time distinguishing characters (e.g. “a” vs “o” vs “y”, “cc” vs “ch”, “sh” vs “se”, and please don’t get me started on half-spaces vs spaces, *sigh*), we have to be careful we don’t mistake a transcriber’s whim for a scribal tell.

So the way I started was by grabbing the Takahashi transcriptions for f41r (Scribe 5) and f26r (Scribe 2), and comparing them really closely to high resolution images (on Jason Davies’ Voyage the Voynich website). My plan was to try to get a feeling for whether there was any visual evidence that indicated Scribe 2 was an author (i.e. who understood the internal construction of Voynichese) and the other just a dumb scribe (i.e. who was just copying what they saw).

However, I quickly found a fair few examples of what seemed (to my eyes) to be basic Voynichese scribal errors by Scribe 2.

  • f26r line 2: second word looks like it should be “daiin”, but the first glyph is somewhat malformed
  • f26r line 2: third word “adeeody” looks like a scribal slip for “odeeody”
  • f26r line 2: free-standing word “lr” looks like a scribal slip for “ar”
  • f26r line 3: word-terminal “-oy” looks like a scribal slip for “-dy” or possibly “-ey” (particularly in Currier B, though “qoy” is probably OK)
  • f26r line 3: shapchedyfchy looks like a scribal slip for shopchedyfchy
  • f26r line 3: penultimate word “saiin” looks like a scribal slip for “daiin”

By way of contrast, Scribe 5’s writing – though typically a little harder to transcribe – was generally quite clear, without any obvious scribal errors. So I would say that comparing these two pages (while only a relatively small sample) offers no obvious support to the notion that Scribe 2 might have had a more authorial understanding of Voynichese. On the contrary, it seems more likely to me from this that Scribe 2 was, well, just a scribe.

f115r: Scribe 3 vs Scribe 2

The first twelve lines of f115r (that Lisa Fagin Davies attributes to Scribe 2) present what look to me like yet more scribal errors by Scribe 2. For example:

  • f115r line 1: “oechedy” (a hapax legomenon) looks like a scribal slip for “orchedy”
  • f115r line 1: “oroiir” looks like a scribal slip for “oraiir”
  • f115r line 3: the penultimate word “daar” (another hapax legomenon) looks like a scribal slip (possibly for “-dy ar-“)
  • f115r line 3: the final word “oraro” looks like a scribal slip for “orary”.
  • f115r line 5: the final word “ro” looks like a scribal slip for “ry”
  • f115r line 12: the final word “choloro” should probably be “cholory”

(Incidentally, I should note that 12 out of all 13 instances of the word “ry” appear right at the end of a line [the other one appears right at the start of a line]. There is no shortage of patterns in Voynichese on all sorts of levels!)

Again, the remainder of f115r (attributed to Scribe 3) seems basically OK, so Scribe 2 again seems to be copying in the letters quite a lot worse than Scribe 3.

So… Scribe 2 was not the Voynich’s author, right?

From all this, it’s looking to me as though we can infer that Scribe 2 was not the author: or, more precisely, that Scribe 2’s errors seem consistent with the idea that Scribe 2 had no authorial level of understanding of the internal structure of Voynichese. Which, of course, would seem to be the opposite of what Lisa Fagin Davis’ paper suggested (if you read its conclusions in the strongest way possible).

However, I think this does imply something quite deep about the reliability of different sections of the Voynich, which is that some would seem to be less tainted by scribal errors than others. Though based on what is only a small sample, I suspect that Scribe 2 is a more unreliable Voynich scribe than both Scribe 3 and Scribe 5.

For a long time, I’ve been telling Voynich researchers that they should avoid treating the whole of the Voynichese corpus as if it were a single coherent text (because it isn’t): and that they should instead run their statistical analyses on individual sections, such as Q13 and Q20. However, because Scribe 2 wrote the entirety of Q13, I’m now revising that opinion: my particular concern is that Scribe 2’s copying errors (and I’ve only highlighted the errors I can see, there could easily be many others I can’t see) might well enough to disrupt any statistical studies.

Hence my recommendation going forward is that researchers should focus their decryption attempts on Q20, specifically excluding the top twelve lines of f115r (written by Scribe 2).

Why did Scribe 2 write the top part of f115r?

Might there have been a good reason why Scribe 2 wrote the top few lines of f115r?

Possibly. I’ve blogged a number of times about Q20 (which contains far too many bifolia to be a single quire), and how I think it may originally have been constructed as two separate gatherings Q20A and Q20B. The fancy gallows at the top of f105r looks a pretty good bet to have been the start of Q20A, and the current back page (f116v) similarly looks a good bet to have been the end of Q20B. I also wondered whether f104, f105, f107 and f108 may all have been cut from the same piece of vellum (an hypothesis which could at least be tested using DNA now).

(As an aside, I suspect that the seven dots on f105r imply that this marked the start of “Liber VII”. Just so you know.)

All of which would seem to point away from the (long-standing) suspicion that Q20 was written as a single monolithic slab, and instead towards the suggestion that Q20 / Q20A / Q20B might well have included separate sections. Might the first few lines of f115r have been written as the start of a section? Or might it even have been the end of a section, running on from a previous page (say, in Q8)? These are all no more than suggestions at this stage, make of them what you will. Possibly a nice risotto.

Q20 bifolio content notes

Finally: as Rene Zandbergen pointed out in 2016, the paragraph stars for the majority of f111r look to be fake. Yet the same seems true for the top half of f111v, as well as the bottom half of f108v, and the middle third of f115r; and there’s a paragraph star apparently missing from the middle of both f106v and f113r (though the latter of these two might possibly have just slid down the page). So we have to be extraordinarily careful when we try to draw inferences about the original section structure of Q20 based on the paragraph stars.

Here’s a brief summary for anyone trying to figure out the original nesting arrangement:

  • f103: both recto & verso have no ‘x’ character (Tim Tattrie)
  • – f104: recto has non-repeating star pattern (Elmar Vogt)
  • – – f105: recto has fancy gallows at top, possibly start of Liber VII?
  • – – – f106: verso has single paragraph star missing
  • – – – – f107:
  • – – – – – f108: recto has non-repeating star pattern (Elmar Vogt); verso has fake paragraph stars on bottom half
  • – – – – – f111: recto & verso both have many fake paragraph stars (Rene Zandbergen)
  • – – – – f112: both sides have a gap by the outside edge (possibly a copy of a stitched vellum tear, cf Curse 2006)
  • – – – f113: recto has single paragraph star missing
  • – – f114:
  • – f115: recto has Scribe 2 writing at top (Lisa Fagin Davis) & fake paragraph stars in middle third
  • f116: recto has no ‘x’ character, verso has michitonese + pen trial doodles

Like a constipated true crime podcaster, I’m currently perched on the edge of my seat waiting for something solid to emerge. Now that SAPOL’s forensic finest (surely) have the Somerton Man’s DNA in their sweaty hands, what will it be able to tell us?

One interesting thing about DNA searching is that even if you get basically zero hits, the DNA itself can often still tell you a great deal about a person, such as:

  • what part of the world they (probably) come from
  • their haplogroup (& will that be the same as the haplogroup Derek Abbott’s group retrieved from the hair root?)
  • their genetic predisposition to rare illnesses (e.g. uncombable hair syndrome, etc).

If the part of the world the Somerton Man’s DNA comes from is basically a small region in Ireland, it would seem to be a fairly strong indication that Kean[e] is likely to be his surname. (But with Catholic families being DNA genealogists’ best friends, you’d also expect 20+ decent hits to light up the GEDmatch globe like a Christmas tree.)

Yet if his DNA is solidly Eastern European (and with hardly any matches), you’d expect a quite different person – perhaps something like the mysterious Balutz from the baccarat school I found so hard to track down.

Though it would be nice if the DNA showed he was Charles Mikkelsen (who I think was probably also the “Carl Thompsen” remembered by Keith Mangonoson), I’m not holding out a lot of hope for that.

It also seems likely to me that any link to the Abbotts / Egans would have been trumpeted to the world’s media by now: but given the lack of trumpetry my ears are picking up, this is most probably not to be here.

All in all, it’s perhaps surprising that the list of possible Somerton Man candidates we’ve all managed to accumulate is so short: a list dominated, it has to be said, by implausible Soviet spies, defectors and perhaps even spring-heeled Ballet Russe dancers. (Spare me, O Lord, from having to read any more espionage-related posts.)

So I wonder what the next card to be played in this interminable squeeze will be?

For the last couple of weeks, I’ve been trying to work out if there was a way I could set up a funding page for a genealogist-driven collaborative effort to identify Henry Debosnys from his DNA.

Obviously, the funding would need to cover the two physical stages:

  • Extracting his DNA – the nice people at the Adirondack History Museum have both his skull and the hangman’s noose that killed him (the skin on his neck was abraded for four inches, according to a contemporary newspaper report), so this looks to be achievable; and
  • Scanning the extracted DNA and uploading it into some historical database for familial matches (the same as virtually every other programme on TV at the moment).

It turns out that extracting his DNA is the (relatively) easy part. The second part is actually much trickier, because it seems that pretty much all the consumer services out there (e.g. AncestryDNA, even Nebula Genomics) have highly optimised their low-cost DNA acquisition pipelines for either cheek-swab / saliva samples or blood samples.

Moreover, the helpful support people at AncestryDNA also told me that it would explicitly go against the company’s policy to take DNA samples from someone who had died. So there would seem to be a series of mountains for historical researchers to climb there.

Note that there are a (very small number of) commercial whole genome scanning services out there that don’t rely on cheek swabs or blood: but my understanding is that these tend to be quite expensive. So as of right now, it would seem that we’re kind of stuck between the two: crowdfunding a cheek swab test would be do-able (probably south of 1000USD, all in), but I’m guessing that this would rise to about 2500USD with a bespoke special WGS from extracted DNA.

Having recently spent time going through French archives via filae.com, I had thought that trying to track Debosnys’ genetic footprints would be a great project to crowdfund and take on, but I’ve been left somewhat bemused. So if anyone reading can suggest a better route forward for scanning extracted DNA and then GEDmatching it, please leave a comment below, I’m all ears!

Finally, I should mention an alternative route. Australian DNA genealogy company totheletter DNA have been offering a (really rather incredible) service where you send them old letters / stamps and they then extract DNA from the saliva used to stick the dried adhesive down. However, it turns out that they’ve been having some problems with the quality of the DNA extracted in this way, so they temporarily halted the service last year, but hope to bring it back online later this year (2021).

A fascinating email from long-time Cipher Mysteries commenter Paul Relkin has alerted me to a pair of ciphers by mathematician Paul Olum (1918-2001), who knew Feynman at Princeton, and then worked with him at Los Alamos. Sure, you can read Olum’s Wikipedia page, but perhaps the best person to describe him is Richard Feynman himself (in “Surely You’re Joking, Mr Feynman”):

They were all giving me problems and I was feeling great, when Paul Olum walked by in the hall. Paul had worked with me for a while at Princeton before coming out to Los Alamos, and he was always cleverer than I was. For instance, one day I was absent­mindedly playing with one of those measuring tapes that snap back into your hand when you push a button. The tape would always slap over and hit my hand, and it hurt a little bit. “Geez!” I exclaimed. “What a dope I am. I keep playing with this thing, and it hurts me every time.”

He said, “You don’t hold it right,” and took the damn thing, pulled out the tape, pushed the button, and it came right back. No hurt.

“Wow! How do you do that?” I exclaimed.

“Figure it out!”

For the next two weeks I’m walking all around Princeton, snapping this tape back until my hand is absolutely raw. Finally I can’t take it any longer. “Paul! I give up! How the hell do you hold it so it doesn’t hurt?”

“Who says it doesn’t hurt? It hurts me too!”

I felt so stupid. He had gotten me to go around and hurt my hand for two weeks!

So Paul is walking past the lunch place and these guys are all excited. “Hey, Paul!” they call out. “Feynman’s terrific! We give him a problem that can be stated in ten seconds, and in a minute he gets the answer to 10 percent. Why don’t you give him one?”

Without hardly stopping, he says, “The tangent of 10 to the 100th.” I was sunk: you have to divide by pi to 100 decimal places! It was hopeless.

One time I boasted, “I can do by other methods any integral anybody else needs contour integration to do.”

So Paul puts up this tremendous damn integral he had obtained by starting out with a complex function that he knew the answer to, taking out the real part of it and leaving only the complex part. He had unwrapped it so it was only possible by contour integration! He was always deflating me like that. He was a very smart fellow.

Olum I

But back to the recently unearthed pair of Paul Olum’s ciphertexts. The first one surfaced in 2018 at a Caltech exhibition to celebrate what would have been Feynman’s 100th birthday, and then bubbled through into a Reddit post in 2019. This (marked as “Olum I”) included Feynman’s notes on it (character frequency counts etc):

Feynman’s conclusion was that it was probably a “simple substitution [cipher] with some rearranging. The rearranging is not very complete“, and suggested some possible substitutions: “N -> T, G -> K, X -> N, F -> C, D ->G, (U -> W)?“. Though, as seems to have been the case fairly often, he didn’t quite get the better of Olum here.

If you want to have a tilt at Olum’s first windmill, the Reddit poster (“V sbyybjrq gur ehyrf”) transcribed its 744 characters as follows:

VEWLJ NBBEL QFWSX HBUSW AIBYQ AEQSI GHOVN BSNBV LNWXA BIQIU BGBIC YQFXC EVBWX WBSNG WVEVL HWDHB ILMHB LNSGB HSNXS XBHLQ CBOCS OBVWM XFNCW PAGGN EUWGA IBVWI FYWFG GQFEW MPQIX XWSEW VIHAB EBWJX OHAFQ LBBNI BHAIV JNSHC WXPCY UGGOB DWAXB HBWIN XWSNJ GWVAF OXBLM WAEBP BBWXC RBWBV LHIJA JINOW XDBIB QCGYW FXHCQ AIBCW NGCSC SHBNA VIEWD HIBLH EBVVY YSLRQ PQVCQ IWXQE DQBIW XWEAP BHVWS BSBWX VAVHB WFPUH BYWVN BYIOQ WAIFY QDXDB ICLBW YCNEA IBWIN BBWAA CIQIC VWIXQ VCBLH XIBVL AHMFO BXSIX OQBUE PCOVA WMOFV NCWAP GGNEE UWAIW XAWAE EWOLE WESHW FXHEG HCIVB HSWJO ILAWF NDDFQ WDHIL VHBBW AIQBI OUXWS BNIGW VXVQD BVAWI FGWXN VWEPU HYWDB HIMLH BLPNM WVHYP BYWBH AMFXX OSCVN BHCWV NYBIO QWAVI YBQXD LBNDV WCCGN AABXQ VWDBH EILHJ BLNVW VBHAF XOBCB MYWIN SBVOQ WLOHC GGWFB BNSYM DQUBX WSNGB WVWAI VGXHB OJWDB HIBVL HMWBI HIWJG NBFBH DQBIW IBOBJ OHUHV YLQMY WSNSI DFWDD VWEWV HYDLW VWGPW SSHAB ILBWY WJLHD XXSH

Olum II

Olum II (the second ciphertext Olum passed to Feynman) looks to be a pure transposition cipher, though anyone looking at its length (227, a prime number) and hoping for a simple modulo-227 transposition is going to be somewhat disappointed (I tried this to give my suffixity metric a bit of a workout). Note that the 25th character seems to be lower-case ‘f’, though whether or not that is relevant or useful is another matter entirely. Note also that, mathematically, there’s no point doing multiple consecutive modulo transpositions (e.g. modulo 6 followed by modulo 7), because an N-mod-A transposition followed by an N-mod-B transposition is the same as an N-mod-((A x B)mod N)) transposition:

The same Reddit poster (“V sbyybjrq gur ehyrf”) transcribed Olum II’s 227 characters as follows:

EEIOL CNTPA TIILM NIHGU TIGLf OOOHR BYSCD EYGSE EIEEL MERSB ITCBA ANEIT GDSDD OURDM SIOMH ESELE DNSRR NHNIN ATONW AEDSY ROWHE DRTRA SVAWH EODES ETVIF NIEHE TOIGI ELNII TONAR THTHL EULII TAISL SUNFC EAINI ELSLT LBPSN TMTIH SDSIH TREIE NDUET HHIOM EIIAS TVHPF YGSOR NEEII ET

To be honest, I would expect Paul Olum to have rolled out some kind of funky modulo maths trickery here, so my strong suspicion is that this is likely to be a test more of mathematical cunning than of cryptological brains.

Thoughts on this, Nick?

As Paul Relkin reminded me, I once crypto-profiled the author of the Feynman challenge ciphers as being most likelyinterested in snickering into his beard about having pulled the wool over Richard Feynman’s sainted eyes“. And I think you’d have to admit that Paul Olum does seem to match that description well (errrm… apart from the fact he was clean-shaven). Yet proof is wondrously hard to achieve, so for now this remains no more than an interesting possibility.

As for Olum II: nowadays, I wonder whether the right place to start on this kind of complicated challenge transposition would be by searching for it in Project Gutenberg. By which I mean:

  • Get the A-Z frequency counts for the 227-letter challenge cipher
  • Go through all the Project Gutenberg files, converting them to A-Z (and no spaces)
  • For every 227-letter stretch in each file, compare the A-Z frequency counts against the cipher’s frequency counts
  • Display all the exact (and very close) matches you find (though right now I have no feel for how many that would be)

That is, I’m wondering whether you might be able to use Project Gutenberg to brute force an answer to a challenge transposition cipher without actually knowing how the transposition works.

This shouldn’t actually take long to calculate, and would parallelise very well. Anybody want to give this a go?