Here’s a guest post by Cipher Mysteries commenter Pat, who has been hot on the trail of Dorothy Jean Robertson in Trove. There are, of course, many different Dorothy Robertsons out there, but Pat thinks these refer to the Dorothy Jean Robertson who married Carl Webb (the Somerton Man).

So… here we go!

Yet Another Treasure Trove

A while ago I posted some Trove links of a Dorothy Robertson student at Mildura Central school. What follows is the evidence that she is our Dorothy. (I have capitalised the important names)

17 AUGUST 1927 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – GIRL GUIDES

GIRL GUIDES
An enrolment of Brownies of the First Mildura Pack (Church of England) took place at St. Margaret’s Parish hall last, Saturday week, Rev. Canon Horner opening the proceedings with prayer. Miss McWilliams 1 District Commissioner performed the enrolment ceremony, and Miss Gcocissor. (Drov.11 Ov.-ii and the First Meri.eii! Brownies were present.
Mirs Jr.hr.s’.on (Brown Owll and Mirs . Currey ‘Tav.-uy Qv;lk wove emrcVie-tl before- tho children. Tho children linishfu with fairy rings and grand r.alutc. The following children were carolled: Esther Nichols, Doreen Sarah, Eetiv litimmertGn, Irene Ijciich. Doreen Leach, Morle Dowlin, Enid Norman, Wilntit Halpin. Joan Halpia. Vaida Woods, Trixie Robertson and DOROTHY ROBERTSON.

10 DEC 1932 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – MILDURA CENTRAL

During the year, swimming certificates were gained as follow:—Senior swimming: Irvine Corbould, Allan Eagle, John Magnusson. Junior swimming, boys: Graeme Baker, Max Baker, John Carson, Ronald Carter, Irvine Corbould, Alan Blackwood, Robert Davidson, Allan Eagle, Harry Heme, Roy Hunter, John Magnusson, Ray Magnusson, Joseph McGinty, Douglas Noyce, Charles Scarff, Robert Styles, Ronald Stephens, George Risbey, Max Wilson, Keith Wood, Rowland Woodhead. Girls: Ivy Fleming, Ilma Jones, Mary Malloch, Lorna Thomson, Thelma Thornton, DOROTHY ROBERTSON.

15 DEC 1934 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – MILDURA CENTRAL

Grade 8 have satisfactorily completed the year’s work. At the merit certificate examination they were very successful, gaining 13 merits out of a possible 14, and one pupil still pending in mental arithmetic.

The following pupils were successful: Girls: Heather Carter, Mavis Feuton, DOROTHY ROBERTSON, Sylvia Surgey, Gladys Thomson. Boys: Kenneth Adamson, Edward Heaner, Ronald Simmonds, Edward Surgey, Colin Williams, John Young, Keith Dunn, Robert Chamberlain. A penny concert in aid of Junior Red Cross will be held on Monday afternoon.

21 DEC 1934 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – CENTRAL SCHOOL YEAR ENDS

SWIMMING CERTIFICATES
At the conclusion of the penny concert Mrs. Segnit, president of the Mothers’ Club, presented to the boys and girls the Merit Certificates obtained at the recent examination, and also the certificates for Education Department tests in swimming efficiency. Merit certificates.—Girls: Mavis Fenton. Heather Carter, Sylvia Surgey, DOROTHY ROBERTSON, Gladys Thomson.

4 JAN 1939 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – SOCIAL JOTTINGS

Miss DOROTHY ROBERTSON, of Melbourne, is the guest of Mrs. F. Hall, of Orange Avenue.

[Mrs. F. Hall is Florence Olivia Hall (nee Stratford), sister of Alice Robertson (nee Stratford), both daughters of Louisa Wilhelmina Stratford (nee Reither). Florence Olivia’s husband Ernest Clarence Hall died in 1917, hence Mrs. F. Hall.]

31 MARCH 1936 – FAMILY NOTICES

Births, Marriages, and Deaths
IN MEMORIAM.
STRATFORD — In loving memory of our dear mother, Louisa W. Stratford, who passed away on March 31, 1935. Sadly missed.
—Inserted by her loving family.
STRATFORD — ln sad and loving memory of our darling grandma, who passed away on March 31, 1935. Dearly loved and sadly missed.
—Inserted by her loving grandchildren. Trix. Pat and Dig. Hall

[Trix (Floris Jean), Pat (Patricia Doreen) and Dig (Clarence Charles) were the children of Florence Olivia Hall (nee Stratford) and Ernest Clarence Hall]

12 OCTOBER 1938 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – ENGAGEMENT

Engagement
The engagement is announced of Patricia Doreen, youngest daughter of Mrs. F. O. Hall, of Orange Avenue, and the late Mr. E. C. Hall, of St. Arnaud, to John Squire, youngest son of Mr. S. Johnson and the late Mrs. Johnson, of Ballarat.

4 JANUARY 1939 (SUNRAYSIA DAILY, MILDURA) NEW YEAR’S EVE DANCES

SERGEANTS’ MESS DANCE

Miss D. ROBERTSON
(Melbourne), white georgette

22 MARCH 1939 (SUNRAYSIA DAILY, MILDURA) – WOMEN’S AIMS & INTERESTS

The St. Patrick’s dance at Casa Loma was very enjoyable. I met MISS ROBERTSON there, who looked striking with the Romany tan make-up. She may be interviewed at Ramsay’s chemist’s shop, and will put you on the right track for making the most of your personal appearance.

19 APRIL 1939 (SUNRAYSIA DAILY, MILDURA) – DOUBLE WEDDING

Johnson—Hall
There was a floral setting in St. Margaret’s Church of England for the marriage of Patricia Dawn, youngest daughter of Mrs. F. O. Hall, of Orange Avenue, and the late Mr. E. E. Hall, of St. Arnaud, to John Squire, youngest son of Mr. S. Johnson and the late Mrs. Johnson, of Raglan Street, Ballarat.
Canon Horner officiated, and Mrs. A. G. Horner, who presided at the organ, played the “Bridal March” as the bride entered the church with her brother, Mr. Clarence Hall, who gave her away. During the signing of the register, MRS. J. C. ROBERTSON, of Melbourne (aunt of the bride), sang “Mate o’ Mine.”
The gown of French crepe, embroidered in silver, worn by the bride, moulded her slim figure and merged into a semi-train. The draped bodice was caught on the shoulders with silver knots, the long sleeves forming points over the hands. Over a filmy cloud of tulle billowed her exquisitely embroidered veil, which was hold by a halo of orange blossoms. She wore white satin and silver shoes, and carried a bouquet of carnations, gladioli, azaleas, and fern, tied with satin ribbon.
The bridesmades. Miss Trixie Hall (sister of the bride) and Miss Jean Dixon, carried bouquets of charm dahlias and carnations, the toning being reproduced in their frocks in two shades of cyclamen and mauve chiffon, making a delightful foil to the bride’s toilette. Picture hats in the same tonings and silver kid shoes completed their ensembles.
The best man was Mr. Alex. Grant, of Melbourne, and the groomsman Mr. Alex. Johnson, of Ballarat (brother of the bridegroom).
At the reception at the Grand Hotel the bride’s mother received the guests in a smart frock of vintage wool georgette, with gold accessories, and hat en suite. She carried a bouquet of autumn-tinted dahlias and maidenhair fern. Canon Homer presided. The usual toasts were musically honored, and many telegrams read. The honeymoon was spent at Lorne, the bride travelling in an imported frock of teal blue woollen, with small toque of prune felt, and prune accessories. Mr. and Mrs. Johnson, who will make their home in Ballarat, were the recipients of many gifts.

{Mrs. J. C. Robertson, nee Alice Stratford)

https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/268806209

https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/268787718

13 APRIL 1940 (THE AGE, MELBOURNE) – ADVERTISING [this may or may not be her]

MISSING FRIENDS
MISS DOROTHY ROBERTSON, please call at 23 Union-st, Brunswick; Important news

15 MAY 1940 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – SOCIAL NOTES

Mrs. F. O. Hall, or Madden Avenue, left, this week for BALLARAT, where she will be the guest of Mr. and Mrs. J. Johnson.

8 DECEMBER 1920 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – BERRI IMPROVEMENTS

RAMSAY’S CHEMIST

Rumour says that the corner of Wilson Street and Vaughan Terrace will shortly be occupied by two handsome rows of shops. This block has lately changed hands.
Mr. A. M. RAMSAY, CHEMIST, will have possession of his double fronted shop in Vaughan Terrace by Christmas, and is considering extensions.

4 SEPTEMBER 1929 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA)

SAMPLE TINS OF PHOSPHATINE FOOD FREE TO MOTHERS
The following Chemists will be glad to hand you a sample tin of Phosphatine for your Baby:—MILDURA: A. J. Jenkins, H. P. Blackett, P. T. Stone W. It. Weir, A. RAMSEY, J. H. Smith. RED CLIFFS: J. M. Couve, E. J. Dean MERBEIN: G. H. Kendall, S. H. L. Harris. FAILlERES’ PHOSPHATINE Wholesale Agents: Joubert & Joubert Pty. Ltd., Melbourne

5 APRIL 1933 (SUNRAYISIA DAILY, MILDURA) – ADVERTISING

HOT Water Bags.—Moulded rubber, just arrived. Barnet Glass or Dunlop. Price 3/ each.—RAMSEY, CHEMIST, Eighth Street.

[The following is a guest post from Cipher Mysteries commenter Behrooz: all I’ve done is reformat it slightly into WordPress/HTML markup. Enjoy! — NickP]

I have the good news that, following some clarifications just received yesterday, I am now allowed to share publicly the contents and quotations from the contents of the Lockyer vs. Lockyer divorce files that have been shared with me. The limitation is still in progress on sharing the actual files, per reasons that seem to be purely procedural, so nothing to be concerned about. Hopefully, if decision is made to share the actual files, I will.

Below I will share the basic summary of the contents, quoting where necessary. I will not be offering my own interpretations here (yet), but you will find page 17 of PDF-1 to be the most significant, as brief as it is. It can be interpreted in different ways, but I have concluded, based on a subtle point I will reveal later, that it means Dorothy Jean Lockyer had died by Nov. 3, 1955. Let us see who can first figure out what that subtle point I am referring to may be!

I would like to take this opportunity, for the sake of transparency of how this finding came about, and for the public record, to acknowledge the kind assistance of the Honorable Chief Justice Chris Kourakis of South Australia and his office by way of the Honorable Acting Chief Justice of South Australia Mark Livesey and his office, and also the patient assistance throughout many months of Mr. Todd Wierenga, Deputy Registrar, for their trust in making possible, in my view, the solution to a longstanding puzzle about the Somerton Man case recently, as far as the whereabouts of Dorothy Jean Robertson is concerned. My interpretation of the contents of the files are only mine, though, and none of the above listed should be regarded necessarily as having offered or holding similar interpretations.

I wish to remind all on this site and those readings, that we should never forget the significant contributions the above Justices and their offices, as well as those of the State of Victoria regarding the Webb vs. Webb divorce files have made in clarifying important aspects of recent developments in the Somerton Man case. They are entitled to our gratitude and appreciation, and recognition of their assistance in helping research on the Somerton Man case to progress on solid evidential grounds rather than in continued speculations.

I will first share the summaries of the files, and then the main letters exchanged that made the sharing of the files possible. It took a long while before the files were actually found (and finally paid for), but there were also lots of back and forth since the original letters shared, mainly due to my trying to encourage the contents to be publicly available to all. I am happy and grateful that sharing the contents for further research and discussion became possible.

Lockyer vs. Lockyer Divorce File(s) contents.

Note: I have been assured the files whose contents are summarized below constitute the entirety of what is available for the case, and that no separate affidavit had been filed, as it can also be readily inferred from the contents of the files themselves (paragraph 4, and no references at all to any affidavit therein).

PDF-1: 19 Pages (page numbers below refer to the pages of the PDF-1)

Page 1: Cover page: South Australia in the Supreme Court No. 474 of 1955: Between Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer, Plaintiff, and Dorothy Jean Lockyer, Defendant: Stamped April 13, 1955: KNOX & HARGRAVE, Ware Chambers, 112 King William Street, Adelaide, Solicitors for the plaintiff.

Page 2: “… To Dorothy Jean Lockyer of Bute in the State of South Australia.” She is commanded to appear in 8 days from the date off the notice re. suit action by “Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer of Bute”

Pages 3-4: “Statement of Claim”: [This particular form is not filled out and dated at the end, since it was supposed to be the statement to be used to serve to Dorothy Jean Lockyer. However, the same form was indeed served and signed in another place, see pages 7-8-9-10 and then again in PDF-2, which will be introduced later below]

1. “The plaintiff was lawfully married to the defendant (then Dorothy Jean Webb a divorced person) on the 22nd of December 1952 at the Methodist Parsonage Kadina in the State of South Australia”

2. Both domiciled in SA. Plaintiff originally domiciled in WA, but now in SA.

3. No children living and under 18.

4. No previous proceedings re. their marriage.

5. “The material fact upon which the plaintiff relies is that the defendant has been guilty of habitual cruelty to the plaintiff for a period of one year and upwards.”

6. Plaintiff claims an order of divorce from “the defendant Dorothy Jean Lockyer.”

7. “The plaintiff does not claim damages or costs.”

8. The plaintiff’s Solicitors are … (see above)

Page 5: Cover page: “Appearance.” Stamped April 26, 1955, from “L.T. Gun, Tattersalls Chambers, 14 Grenfell Street, Adelaide, Solicitor for the Defendant”

Page 6: “Enter an appearance for the abovenamed Defendant Dorothy Jean Lockyer to the Writ of Summons in this action, Dated this 26th day of April 1955. Signed by the solicitor listed on page 5.

Page 7: Cover page, “Writ” date (somewhat illegible) 20?? June, 1955. By Knox & Hargrave.

Page 8-9-10: These three pages are exactly the same as Pages 2-3-4 above, except that now it is signed and dated: “This writ was served by me at Bute on the defendant Dorothy Jean Lockyer on Thursday, the 14th, day of April 1955, Indorsed the 14th day of April 1955,” Signed (illegible, signed something like ER Pilkins, but not reliable reading), Address 304 North Terrace, Adelaide, SA.

Page 11: Cover page: Lockyer vs. Lockyer: “Associate’s Certificate,” dated, 30 August 1955, by Knox & Hargrave

Page 12: “Tuesday the 2nd day of August 1955 Mr. Justice Ross, I certify that this action was heard before the Honourable on 2.8.55 and occupied the time of the Court as follows: 2:19 – 2:55, and I further certify that his Honour did this day find the allegations in paras 1, 2, 5 of the claim (including domicile) proved and did pronounce an Order Nisi for divorce in favor of the Plaintiff. Order shortening period for 0/A (? Illegible, perhaps 0/17) to 3 months. Name (illegible in signature, something like Butler Vicon?) Associate. Undefended. Counsel for the Plaintiff We. E. Forster.

Page 13: “Order Nisi for Dissolution of Marriage,” Stamp date faded (but see next page), from Knox & Hargrave

Page 14: “… Before the Honourable Mr. Justice Ross, Tuesday, the 2nd day of August 1955. This action was heard on the 2nd day of August 1955. Mr. W.E. S. Forster being Counsel for plaintiff the defendant Having entered appearance but not further defending the action, The Court was satisfied that the parties to the marriage were domiciled in the State of South Australia and that the defendant had been guilty of habitual cruelty to the plaintiff for one year and upwards as alleged in paragraph 5 of the Statement of Claim AND THE COURT ORDERED: 1. That the marriage between the plaintiff and the defendant Dorothy Jean Lockyer which was celebrated at the Methodist Parsonage at Kadina in the said State on the 22nd … be dissolved after the expiration of three calendar months from the date of this order upon application being made in that behalf and upon a Master or the Court being satisfied that the order should be made absolute.”

Page 15: Continued from Page 13, “This order nisi does not enable either party to the marriage to remarry. This order was filed by Knox & Hargrave …”

Page 16: “Request for Order Absolute” Stamped 3, Nov. 1955, from Knox & Hargrave …

Page 17: “I, Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer, the abovenamed plaintiff hereby request that an Order Absolute shall be issued in this action. To the best of my knowledge information and belief this action has not abated by reason of the death of the above-named defendant.” Dated the 3 day of November 1955 (signed by Lockyer), stamp dated 3, Nov. 1955.

Page 18: Cover page, “ORDER ABSOLUTE” for Dissolution of Marriage, stamp dates 4, Nov. 1955, from Knox & Hargrave … [This page is exactly the one already made public here]

Page 19: [This page is exactly the one already made public here so there is no point of retyping it here.]

PDF-2: 4 pages: [These pages are exactly the pages 7-8-9-10 above. They must be the exact pages served to Dorothy Jean Lockyer. So, nothing new in this pdf.]

——

Letters exchanged regarding the above (dates, later to earlier)

From: Mohammad Tamdgidi

Subject: Re: A Request Regarding the Somerton Man Case

Date: August 1, 2023 at 1:39:12 AM EDT

To: “CAA:PM Supreme Court Livesey J’s Chambers (CAA)”Cc: “*******.********@supcourt.vic.gov.au” , “CAA:PM Supreme Court Chief Justice’s Chambers (CAA)” , “Wierenga, Todd (CAA)”

Dear Ms. Kaylie Inglis and Deputy Registrar, Mr. Todd Wierenga,

I thank you for your reply and notification, and also sincerely appreciate the Acting Chief Justice, Justice Mark Livesey, for kindly agreeing to grant me access to the requested files on behalf of Chief Justice Chris Kourakis’s office.

I will be glad to pay the fees, so would like to hereby kindly request from Deputy Registrar, Mr. Todd Wierenga, to contact me via my same email address in order to organize the inspection and/or access to the material following my payment of the fees.

Being unfamiliar with the fee category and the amount after visiting the linked site you provided, I will just await further details from Mr. Wierenga so that I can fill out any forms needed and process the fee payment.

I appreciate again your reply and would like to thank Ms. Sharokine Haddad (copied) again for her assistance in this matter.

Looking forward,

Mohammad H. (Behrooz) Tamdgidi, Ph.D.

Associate Professor of Sociology (ret.)

UMass Boston

Editor, Human Architecture

Research Director at OKCIR:

Omar Khayyam Center

for Integrative Research in Utopia,

Mysticism, and Science (Utopystics)

——

From: “CAA:PM Supreme Court Livesey J’s Chambers (CAA)”

Subject: FW: A Request Regarding the Somerton Man Case

Date: August 1, 2023 at 12:53:32 AM EDT

To: Mohammad Tamdgidi

Cc: *******.********@supcourt.vic.gov.au” , “CAA:PM Supreme Court Chief Justice’s Chambers (CAA)” , “Wierenga, Todd (CAA)” , “CAA:PM Supreme Court Livesey J’s Chambers (CAA)”

Dear Sir

I refer to your email to the Chief Justice dated 28 July 2023.

As the Chief Justice is currently overseas, this response was directed to the Acting Chief Justice, Justice Mark Livesey, who is the President of the Court of Appeal.

The Acting Chief Justice grants you permission to access the file upon payment of the relevant fees.

I invite you to contact the Deputy Registrar, Mr Todd Wierenga, who is copied into this email, to organise inspection and/or access to the material.

Information on applicable fees can be found on the Courts Administration Authority website CAA Home – CAA (courts.sa.gov.au).

Kind regards

Kaylie Inglis

Judicial Assistant to the Hon Justice Livesey

Court of Appeal

Supreme Court of South Australia

1 Gouger Street, Adelaide SA 5000

E: *******.********@courts.sa.gov.au

P: +61 8 8204 0400

Chambers: *******.********@courts.sa.gov.au

——

From: Mohammad Tamdgidi

Sent: Friday, 28 July 2023 3:54 PM

To: CAA:PM Supreme Court Chief Justice’s Chambers (CAA)

Cc: *******.********@supcourt.vic.gov.au

Subject: A Request Regarding the Somerton Man Case

Friday, July 28, 2023

The Honorable Chris Kourakis, Chief Justice of South Australia

Courts Administration Authority of South Australia

The Honorable Chief Justice Chris Kourakis,

My name is Mohammad H. Tamdgidi, Ph.D. I am a sociologist residing in the United States, having been previously an associate professor of sociology at the University of Massachusetts Boston, and being presently an independent scholar, author, and director of OKCIR: Omar Khayyam Center for Integrative Research.

I have recently been conducting research on the Somerton Man case in Australia, having authored “Tamám Shud: How the Somerton Man’s Last Dance for a Lasting Life Was Decoded — Omar Khayyam Center Research Report” (Okcir Press, 2021, see …etc and an updated blog report recently, titled: “Doubting the New Somerton Man Findings: Do 0.01% Error Chances Actually Matter in Science?”.

As you are aware, significant progress has been made recently (subject still to official evaluation) regarding the possible identification of the Somerton Man as Carl (Charles or Charlie) Webb, who had been in later years of his life married to Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Webb. In Oct. 2022, I contacted the offices of the Honorable Chief Justice Ferguson of Victoria, regarding the possibility of release to the public of all the divorce files related to the filing of Dorothy Jean Webb in 1952. Prior to that only second-hand knowledge had been made available about her divorce application. However, Chief Justice Ferguson and her offices with the kind assistance of Ms. Sharokine Haddad, Deputy Registrar, who is copied to this email, graciously released to me (for public release, which was done) all of the Webb vs. Webb divorce application files, significantly aiding research on what transpired in the last years of Carl Webb’s life. I immediately posted them at my research center website and shared them with other researchers at the time. For your information, the files are available here https://www.okcir.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Webb-v-Webb-divorce-file_.pdf and here https://www.okcir.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Dorothy-Webb-Affidavit.pdf.

Recently I contacted the offices of Chief Justice Ferguson again, regarding a new development in the case, involving a divorce file application filed by Mr. Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer against Mrs. Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Lockyer, just a few years following her divorce application against Carl Webb. In this second divorce file, to the brief extent already available publicly here https://ancestors.familysearch.org/en/GFMQ-H4B/dorothy-jean-robertson-1920-1990 she is herself accused of “habitual cruelty” as grounds for divorce, copies of which I attach to this letter. I was again kindly helped by the Chief Justice Ferguson’s office by being directed to a site to file for release of the files. I did apply, however, it resulted in failure due to the fact that I was filing the request in the wrong state, and should have instead filed it in South Australia, where the divorce application had been filed. Also it has become known to me that the divorce application Lockyer vs. Lockyer, closed in 1955, falls in the 100 year restriction period following closure as observed by the courts in South Australia for release of public records.

By way of this emailed letter, I am appealing to your office to kindly consider the possibility of authorizing the release for research purposes—in the interest of fairness to all divorce parties, their descendants, researchers, and an international interested public at large—all the filed papers and documents related to the divorce application concluded in 1955 by Mr. Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer against Mrs. Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Lockyer in South Australia.

Although the basic conclusion of the application’s closure has been released to the public, the knowledge of the details of the case can offer a more balanced view of the broader Somerton Man case, and the relation of Dorothy Jean Robertson with Carl Webb, since behavioral issues that affected the divorce application on her part could be also relevant to what transpired in her subsequent marriage to and divorce from Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer.

As shown in the cover page of the application attached, I think the case file number is 474 of 1955, South Australia’s Supreme Court, Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer (Plaintiff) and Dorothy Jean Lockyer (Defendant). The decision was granted, apparently without Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Lockyer’s contesting the charges of her “habitual cruelty” on Thursday, Nov. 3, 1955. They had been married on Dec. 22, 1952, and there are records indicating that they had had a stillborn child in 1951, whose hospital records have also been publicly released. The problem that is outstanding is that the details of the divorce has not been released, so I am requesting your offices to kindly consider releasing the rest of the file to the public now, rather than delaying such a possibility due to the 100 year rule. Dorothy Jean Robertson (b. 1920) is not known to have had any children, and her whereabout subsequent to her divorce from Lockyer is unknown. Her family have reported that she died sometime in the 1990s (see https://ancestors.familysearch.org/en/GFMQ-H4B/dorothy-jean-robertson-1920-1990). Lockyer (b. 1918) died in 1976 (https://ancestors.familysearch.org/en/LVZS-5QC/geoffrey-arthur-lockyer-1918-1976). They had a stillborn child in 1951, and no other children.

The reason for this urgency is that, given the new findings reported in the Somerton Man case, and the release of helpful information about his troubled marriage to Dorothy Jean Robertson, judgments are being made about both Carl Webb’s and Dorothy Jean Robertson’s character and behavior in married life. It would be rather impractical and unreasonable for the public, both in Australia and worldwide interested in the case, to await another 30+ years to know more about what transpired in Dorothy Jean Robertson’s marriage to Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer, especially of what the charges of “habitual cruelty” on her part actually consisted. Knowledge of the details can provide a more balanced and even ground in fairness for judging Carl Webb’s life and death as well.

A problem that has gripped research in the Somerton Man case has been the lack of balanced accessibility of information in a fair way to all those concerned and researching the case. Some have had more access than others, and have proceeded to make and share often rushed judgments about the Somerton Man and the case, without offering the same information to others in a transparent way so that all can objectively draw their own conclusions. Your kind consideration and assistance in releasing the material to the public, whether by way of responding to my request or independently, will greatly aid research in the case. I cannot thank enough Chief Justice Ferguson’s offices for their release of the earlier divorce case files, significantly aiding researches and broader public in Australia and worldwide in understanding what transpired back then. I only wish to bring to your attention that your kind consideration of taking a similar action in this second closely related divorce case can also significantly advance research on this matter.

As a sociologist advancing the sociological imagination, which suggests social life can best be understood by way of exploring how personal troubles and public issues interrelate, I became interested in the Somerton Man case recently because it offers important lessons for understanding our lives in a social context. Personally, I also became interested because I thought I could help others find their lost relatives in this case. My wife … happens to be an infant adoptee from Greece, her birth and orphanage name having been … , who tried to find her birth mother when she grew up and in fact succeeded in finding … living in a mountain village decades ago, when I also had a chance also to meet her kind person. The finding greatly inspired and still inspires me. I was attracted to the Somerton Man case, because I thought perhaps I could also contribute to others finding their relatives surrounding the case.

It seems that much progress has been made in the Somerton Man case recently, though I also prefer to await official reports and evaluations about the recent findings. However, unfortunately, rush to judgments may lead to a one-sided evaluation of the Somerton Man’s character, since the accusations Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Webb made in her divorce application against him could not be countered given he had died in 1948. It would be unfair that after seven decades and his body’s exhumation, he is put back to rest without having made a balanced and fair judgment about his life and death. In her filing, Dorothy Jean Robertson said nothing at all, nothing, about the losses he had endured in his family at the time due to his parents’ death due to old age or his brother and nephew’s death in WWII, a lack of empathy that failed to adequately explain why his mental and physical health were deteriorating so rapidly amid a failing marriage, leading to suicide attempts. The lack of empathy of even mentioning such losses was telling perhaps also of the dynamics of their relationship during the failed marriage. She was accusing Carl Webb of behavioral cruelty for all practical purpose, yet she herself became accused of the same in a second marriage/divorce not long after her first divorce filing. Habits are not formed overnight. It would be unfair to Carl Webb (or even to her given the charges made against her), already being judged based on Robertson’s one-sided divorce filing, for the details of the second divorce filed against her by Lockyer are not released for another 30+ years.

Therefore, I respectfully ask your honorable office to consider this request for public disclosure of the complete divorce filings of Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer against Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Lockyer, granted in 1955. If doing this, as a one-time action, requires someone to pay for fees, I would be glad to pay any reasonable fees to do so, as directed. I already paid a fee for this matter recently, but unfortunately it was directed to the wrong state in Australia. I attach a copy of the application I filed and the letter I received as a result of that filing. I would be glad to pay any fees again, if necessary. In that case, I would honor any decision regarding the extent of the release, whether it would be only to me for research purposes, or to make it accessible freely to the public, as I did with the Webb vs. Webb divorce files, kindly released by the offices of the Chief Justice Ferguson. I am copying Ms. Haddad to this email, so that she learns also of the result of my recent inquiry. I thank her again for her kind assistance previously in directing me to others to apply for the files, and for letting me know that I could make a request again regarding this matter, if and when needed. It was my mistake in filing the recent request in the wrong state—an error that is due to my unfamiliarity with Australia, and not a result of any error on others’ part.

The Honorable Chief Justice Chris Kourakis,

Given the limited information available, timely public access to the actual records is important for proper and truthful research and understanding of what transpired in this long unsolved case in Australia, and in the interest of fairness to both parties of the divorce Geoffrey Arthur Lockyer and Dorothy Jean (Robertson) Lockyer, and by implication the life and death of Carl (Charles) Webb (likely) aka the Somerton Man, all their descendants (dead or living), and independent researchers.

I greatly appreciate your time in reading this letter and in your consideration of this request.

Sincerely,

Mohammad H. (Behrooz) Tamdgidi, Ph.D.

Associate Professor of Sociology (ret.)

UMass Boston

Editor, Human Architecture

Research Director at OKCIR:

Omar Khayyam Center

for Integrative Research in Utopia,

Mysticism, and Science (Utopystics)

Home

Given the solid dating of Jean-Marie Justin Nageon de l’Estang’s birth to 1776, I decided to revisit the issue of whether the “richesses de l’Indus” refers to an actual ship. We’ve already seen a brig called “Indus” captured by the French in 1782 (though full of rice rather than treasure). Additionally, Jean-Marie Justin’s reported death date of 1798 would appear to give us a latest possible date. So let’s look for ships called “Indus“, 1783-1798…

Indus (1792-1792) – Calcutta

According to Hackman (2001) [which I can’t currently buy a copy of, bah], this Indus was a ‘country ship’ (i.e. only allowed to sail the Indian Ocean as far as the Cape of Good Hope). It was built in Calcutta in 1792, and lost in the same year.

According to Lloyd’s List No. 2417 (10th July 1792) p.1, “The Indus, a country ship from Bengal, loaded with rice, is supposed to be lost“. So even though we have two similar lost ships called Indus, both were reportedly stuffed with rice rather than treasure. (That joke’s not going to get old for a good while yet, sorry.)

Indus (1789-1794) – Amsterdam

This Indus was built in Amsterdam for the Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Nederlandsche Geoctroyeerde Oostindische Compagnie, helpfully abbreviated as “VOC”) and launched in 1789. It was rated at 1150 tons.

In the VOC archives, we can see various sailors and carpenters (such as Samuel Steenveld, Pieter Lohee, Samuel Erhard Frenckler, and Johan Friedrich Schmidt) on this Indus, leaving Amsterdam on 27 Aug 1790, arriving at the Cape of Good Hope on 05 Jan 1791, leaving there on 01 Feb 1790, arriving in Batavia on 20 May 1791.

The end of this Indus was when it burnt and sank in Batavia Roads in 1794. Frenckler is marked as “deceased” on 15 Sep 1794, and Lohee as “missing” on 23 Sep 1794, so I think it’s fairly likely that this Indus caught fire on 15 Sep 1794.

Industan (1796), Captain Lewis – Philadelphia

I first posted about this ship back in 2016: Auguste Toussaint mentioned it in his (1967) “La route des Iles: contribution à l’histoire maritime des Mascareignes”.

  • (p.306) 4th March 1796, the ‘navire’ “Industan” (Captain Louis) arrived from Philadelphia.
  • (p.262) 22nd August 1796, the American ‘vaisseau’ “Industan” (Captain Lewis) arrived from Pondicherry.

Annoyingly, newspapers.com only returns useful results if you search for “Indoftan” (rather than “Indostan”). The earliest mention there of “the Indiaman Indoftan” is from 9 May 1794 (with Captain Mackintofh, *sigh*). On 11 June 1796, the Captain of the brig Rose reports having seen the Indostan at Ile de France a couple of months earlier. The Indostan later arrived at Newport (Rhode Island) on 14 Jan 1797, having taken 96 days to get back from Ile de France, “and 55 days to the coast”. So this all seems to tie up nicely with Toussaint.

As I noted in 2016, we can see Captain Jacob Lewis’ ship selling its goods from March 1797 to May 1797, so this doesn’t really seem likely to be the “Indus” we’re looking for:

In 1805, we can see the Indostan, 22 guns, Capt. Lewis, still going strong as part of Ogden’s fleet, so it doesn’t seem to have been lost along the way. Incidentally, the USA received a stiff letter from France in 1805 complaining that:

Considering that it is notorious that the America of 32 guns, the Connecticut of 22, the Indostan of 14, and several other American vessels of that description, are not only engaged in that execrable commerce, but actually transport the arms and ammunition of Dessalines’ army from one port to another, thereby becoming the auxiliaries of the black rebels against France.

I’m guessing that this was the same Indostan, but it’s hard to be 100% sure.

Indostan privateer (-1797)

The Philadelphia Inquirer of 07 Oct 1797 p.3 included a colourful extract from the logbook of the brig Alexander, which had been boarded by the Mayflower privateer on 12 Sep 1797:

The captain of the privateer informed Captain Whelan [of the Alexander] that the Indostan privateer of 15 guns was run ashore in the gulf of Bahamia and totally lost ; crew and officers saved. The sloop of war that chased the privateer was from Cape Francois, and had on board Santhonax, who made his escape from the Cape. Santhonax arrived at the Havanna the 5th September and saluted the ships and town with 21 guns. It was reported he had brought with him one million of dollars. The cause of his retreat from the Cape was not made public ; but it was thought he made his escape from Toussaint.

The snow Cleopatra, captain Christie, picked up part, or the whole of the Indostan’s crew. The Cleopatra was from Cape Francois bound to the Havanna.

Note that the same page has an extract from Lloyd’s List of August 4-11, noting that the other Indostan (Captain Lewis) had arrived at Hamburg from Philadelphia: so this would seem to be an entirely different ship.

The Philadelphia Inquirer of 20 Nov 1797 p.3 mentions that “The Nassau (late Indostan), Merchant, of this port, was ready to sail for Batavia, under Danish colours“. This name then seems to have changed back to Indostan by the next year: The North American of 13 Sep 1798 p.1 mentions: “Died at Batavia, 20th April, capt. Merchant of the ship Indostan of Philadelphia“. A diary of a ship’s lad (Charles Francis Waldo) has been preserved in Salem: in 1802, he sailed from Boston in the ship “Indus” for Canton and Batavia. This was mentioned in “The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem“, pp. 327-329: perhaps this was the same Indostan, it’s hard to say.

Any progress here, Nick?

Pfffft, not really, it has to be said. I don’t really buy into either of the 1782 or 1792 Indus prize ships, both full of rice rather than treasure; the Dutch Indus seems to have caught fire in the safe Dutch port of Batavia; I don’t see how it could have been Captain Jacob Lewis’ Indostan; and the privateer Indostan was in the wrong ocean completely.

I’m now wondering whether all the ‘action’ might have taken place after 1800. Is there any primary evidence that Jean-Marie Justin Nageon de l’Estang died on 09 May 1798? There’s an entry claiming this on ancestry.com (mentioned here), but my subscription has run out so cannot check it. 🙁

A comment today by Anthony Lallaizon to Cipher Mysteries seems to have thrown the Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang timeline up in the air (if not completely out of the window). This definitely required a post of its own! What Anthony found yields a definitive birthdate for Jean Marie Justin Nageon de l’Estang.

Jean Marie Justin who?

The reason this is so interesting is that the Last Will and Testament (reportedly of Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang) describes the writer having hidden some treasure (specifically “richesses de l’Indus“) in an underground cave following a shipwreck in a creek (presumably on Mauritius): but the beneficiary – clearly identified as the author’s nephew – is named (depending on which version you trust) as one of:

  • Jean Marius Nageon de l’Estang
  • Jean Marin Justin Nageon de l’Estang
  • Jean-Marius-Justin Najeon de l’Etang

There have long been unverified genealogical reports that this person was the son of André Ambroise Nageon de l’Estang, giving a speculative birth date of 1770 (and a death date of 1798). The problem was that there was always a suspicion that this might have been fabricated by treasure hunters trying to “prove” a specific theory (normally to get investors to put money into some treasure hunting venture).

The other issue was that this kind of dating ran counter to the long-proposed notion that the author of the Last Testament and Will was Andre Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang. Basically, because Andre Bernardin died in 1750, he could not have left anything to a nephew born 20+ years after his death.

Hence, these baptism details would seem to be a Very Big Deal Indeed.

The Baptism Record

The record is entry number 4 on page 2 of this baptism ledger. The margin identifies the baby’s name:

Baptême de Jean Marie Justin Nageon

The main body looks like this:

As you can see, the record has some paper over the right hand edge, making it hard to read the end of the lines, but the vast majority of it is fairly easy to transcribe:

Le quatre janvier mil Sept cent Soixante et dix sept [xxxxxxxxx]
Marie Justin né le huit aoust de l’année derniere fils de [Mr Andre xxxxxx]
De Lestang et de D[emoise]lle Mathurine Louise Pitel son epouse [xxxxxxxxx]
Mr Jean Pierre au frais notaire royal eu cette ville [xxxxxxxxx]
D[emoise]lle Marie Thomas Genie epouse de Mr Gerard qua [xxxxxxxxx]
le père de lenfant

I haven’t had much luck enhancing the obscured sections, but perhaps other people will find cleverer ways to do this.

How Does This Affect The Nageon de l’Estang Timeline?

The letter refers (again, depending on which version you rely upon) to Jean Marie Justin being:

  • officier de la réserve
  • officier de la République

It is also dated (in Paul Fleuriau-Chateau’s version) as “l’an III de la République”, which ran from 22 September 1794 to 22 September 1795. These two data points were always hard to reconcile with Andre Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang’s decease in 1750: which is indeed why Daniel Krieg felt confident to reject the ‘conventional wisdom’ that Andre Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang was the writer.

Now that we have a definite birth date for Jean Marie Justin Nageon de l’Estang (8 August 1776, as opposed to the previously suggested 8 August 1770), these details all seem to gel that much better. For Jean Marie Justin to be an “officier” of anything, he could not feasibly be younger than (I guess) sixteen. This implies that that the earliest feasible date for the letter was likely 1792, and probably a couple of years later. So I have to say that “l’an III de la République” does seem pretty spot on. “20 floréal an III” would be 9th May 1795. Regardless, I’ve seen it claimed that Jean Marie Justin died in 1798, which would seem to be a likely latest date for this letter too.

The Nageon de l’Estang family tree looks (mainly from here) like this:

From this, we can say for certain (I think) that neither Andre Bernardin nor Andre Ambroise was the testament writer. In which case the only reasonable conclusion is that it was an unrecorded son of Andre Bernardin, who has somehow remained absent from the historical records.

More to follow as I think this through!

In his (much-examined, much-copied, and probably much-misunderstood) Last Will and Testament, Andre Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang (1715-1750) claimed to have retrieved “richesses de l’Indus” and hidden it in some kind of cave (presumably in Mauritius, where he lived and died). Consequently, many treasure hunters have trawled historical archives for ships called “Indus” with dates that match Bernardin’s life-time: but with no success to date. Other (slightly later) Indian Ocean ships were similarly called “Indus“, so it is at least plausible that it was indeed the name of a ship.

And so I wondered: if an “Indushad been built in the Indian Ocean not too long before 1750, where would it have been built? I knew that Daniel Krieg’s favourite Indus (captured by the French in 1782) had been built in Bombay Dockyard, so that was where I began my search…

The Bombay Dockyard

The book I found was really rather splendid: “The Bombay Dockyard and the Wadia Master Builders” (1955) tells the story of how a multi-generation family of master boat-builders – starting with Lowjee Nusserwanjee Wadia (1710-1774) – proved pivotal to the development and success of Bombay Dockyard.

This book includes all kinds of wonderful notes, such as on p.99: “The reason why the majority of the ships between the years 1748 and 1772 were of 499 tons was because all ships of 500 tons and more had to carry a chaplain. To avoid this additional charge the ships were rated at 499 tons.

The first mention of Lowjee [it says on p.124] appeared in Surat Diary No. 620 (dated 29th July 1735): “Lowjee a shipbuilder of this place (Surat) informed them (Surat Council) about some twenty-eight Englishment who had run away […]”. Lowjee then travelled (with ten other carpenters) from Surat to Bombay on the Cowan: he arrived in late March 1736.

The first sizeable boat built at the Bombay Dockyard (p.131) was “a ship of about 200 tons”, ordered by the Madras Government in March 1738. This was the Princess Augusta: a sloop was also constructed for Bengal, with both finished in April 1739 (p.132). More boats were built or repaired:

  • 12 Aug 1740: “Restoration” launched
  • May 1741: “Neptune Prize” repaired
  • Jul 1741: sloop “Porto Bello” launched for the Bengal government
  • 21 Aug 1742: ship “Success” was launched
  • Jul 1743: brigantine “Brilliant” launched

April 1742 (p.135), the Court of Directors decided too much money was being spent on boats, and so stopped boat construction. Prior to that “reduction”, the Bombay Marine consisted of “one ship of 44 guns, four of 28, four of 18, six bomb-ketches and twenty large gallivats”.

In 1744 (p.136), the Bombay Marine had “2 ships of 28 guns, one grab of 20 guns, five ketches carrying 8 to 14 guns, and 8 gallivats”.

1748: three sloops (“Grampus”, “Bonnetto”, “Dolphin”) were built for the Bengal Pilot Service.

Might Bernardin’s (alleged) Indus have been one of these? It’s possible, though it doesn’t appear under that name on the list of ships built at Bombay (p.329 onwards). Here’s the list from the 1740s:

We can see a later Indus being built here (in 1776), that I’m sure Daniel Krieg will recognise:

And another in 1821:

And another in 1851:

But nothing earlier.

I shall continue looking…

Darrell Huff’s (1954) “How to Lie With Statistics” is a twentieth century classic that’s well worth reading (I have a well-thumbed copy on my bookshelf that I bought back in the 1980s). It’s basically a breezy introduction to statistics, that concentrates largely on how people get things wrong in order to get across the general idea of how you might (possibly, hopefully) try to get things right in your own work.

A journalist rather than an academic statistician, Huff’s book ended up selling more than 1.5 million copies. You can hear echoes of his reversed-expectations presentation in numerous other book titles, such as Bill Hartston’s “How to Cheat at Chess”.

Sadly, The Truth Is Much, Much Worse

When later I did statistics modules at University, the awful truth slowly dawned on me: even though tools (such as Excel) make it easy to perform statistical procedures, stats really isn’t just a matter of “running the numbers”, cranking out an answer, and drawing some persuasive-looking graphs.

Even just conceiving a statistical experiment (e.g. something that’s based on good data, and that stands a chance of yielding meaningful results) is extraordinarily hard. Designing statistical experiments (e.g. understanding the sampling biases that are inevitably embedded in the data, and then working out how to work around them) is also hugely tricky. Executing them is no mean feat either: and then – finallyinterpreting them is fraught with difficulty.

In general, my own experience of statistical experiments is that at least half are fatally misconceived; of the remainder, half are horribly misdesigned; of the remainder of that, at least half are sadly misexecuted; and of the remainder of that, at last half of the results are tragically misinterpreted. Note that the overall success rate (<5%) is for people who broadly know what they’re doing, never mind idiots playing with Excel.

A Story About Stats

Back when I was doing my MBA, one of the final marked pieces was for the statistics module. When I took a look at the data, it quickly became clear that while most of the columns were real, one in particular had been faked up. And so I wrote up my answer saying – in a meta kind of way – that because that (fake) column was basically synthetic, you couldn’t draw reliable conclusions from it. And so the best you could do in practice was to draw conclusions from the other non-synthetic columns.

I failed the module.

So, I made an appointment with the lecturer who marked it, who also happened to be the Dean of the Business School.

  • I said: Why did you fail this piece?
  • He said: Because you didn’t get the right answer.
  • I said: But the column for the ‘right’ answer is fake.
  • He said: I don’t think so.
  • I said: Well, look at this [and showed him exactly how it had been faked]
  • He said: Oh… OK. I didn’t know that. But… it doesn’t matter.
  • I said: errrm… sorry?
  • He said: you’ve got a Distinction anyway, so there’s no point me changing this mark

And so I still failed the statistics module.

The Voynich Manuscript and Stats

If you think Voynich Manuscript researchers who run statistical tests on Voynichese are somehow immune to these fundamental hazards, I don’t really think you’re paying enough attention.

Until you accept that the core problems inherent in Voynichese transcriptions – there are many, and they run deep – will inevitably permeate all your analyses, you really are just running the numbers for fun.

The main things that bother me (though doubtless there are others that I can’t think of right now):

  • Transcription assumptions
  • Transcription error rates
  • Running tests on the whole Voynich Manuscript, rather than on sections (e.g. Q13, Q20, Herbal-A)
  • How Voynichese should be parsed into tokens (this has bugged me for 20 years!)
  • Copying errors and Voynichese “weirdoes”
  • The bifolios being out of order
  • Whether there is a uniform ‘system’ underlying both Currier A and Currier B
  • The problems with top-line text
  • The problems with line-initial letters
  • The problems with line-final letters
  • etc

With so many parallel things to consider, I honestly think it should be no surprise that most attempts at Voynich analysis fail to achieve anything of value.

Voynich Theories

I have no doubt that researchers do their best to be rational and sensible, but many Voynich theories – or, perhaps more accurately, Voynich ‘approaches’ – are built upon a fundamentally flawed statistical ‘take’, e.g. that Voynichese is just a simple (but highly obscure) text.

Unpopularly, this seems to be true of just about all ‘Baxian’ Voynich linguistic analyses. Statistically, nothing supports the basic assumption of a ‘flat’ (but obscure) language. In fact, Voynichese is full of confounding, arbitrary, difficult, unlanguagelike behaviours (see the incomplete list above), all of which you have to compensate for to get your data to a point where you even begin to have something remotely language-like to work with. But hardly anybody ever does that, because it’s too tricky, and they’re not genuinely invested enough to do the ‘hard yards’.

It’s also true of Gordon Rugg’s table ‘take’; and of just about all simple ciphers; and – also unpopularly – of hoax theories (why should meaningless text be so confounded?) And so forth.

The sad reality is that most researchers seem to approach Voynichese with a pre-existing emotional answer in mind, which they then true to justify using imperfect statistical experiments. More broadly, this is how a lot of flawed statistical studies also work, particularly in economics.

In fact, statistics has become a tool that a lot of people use to try to support the lies they tell themselves, as well as the lies their paymasters want to be told. This is every bit as true of Big Oil and alt.right politics as of Voynichology. Perhaps it’s time for an even more ironic 21st century update to Darrell Huff’s book – “How To Lie To Yourself With Statistics”?

As the many journaux de bord listed in my previous post attest, the Marine JJ series of documents is where lots of good stuff is to be found. An appendix in a 974-page historical slavery report I found online includes a handy list of such journaux from this period at CARAN in Paris.

4 JJ

4 JJ is described as “nombreux journaux de bord (ou extraits) de la Compagnie des Indes ou voyages dans l’océan Indien en général”, a sentence which helpfully auto-translates itself. The ones listed for 1747 to early 1748 are:

  • 4 JJ 77 38 – 1747 Journal du vaisseau le Triton commandant du Tertre de Saint-Malo aux iles de France et Bourbon retour à Lorient
  • 4 JJ 77 39 – 1747 Journal du Vaisseau le Fulvy commandant de la Palisade de Lorient aux iles de France et Bourbon retour à Brest
  • 4 JJ 77 40 – 1747 Journal du Vaisseau l’Argonaute commandant de la Londe de l’île de France à Lorient
  • 4 JJ 77 41 – 1747 Journal du Vaisseau le Content commandant Joannisse de Lorient à l’île de France
  • 4 JJ 77 42 – 1748 Journal de la frégate l’Anglesea commandant de Selle de Brest à l’île de France, Bourbon et retour
  • 4 JJ 77 43 – 1748 Journal du Vaisseau l’Auguste commandant de Saint-Médard de l’île de France à Lorient

Similarly, 2 JJ 58 contains documents that relate to “voyages à Madagascar et à l’Île de France (1709-1753)”.

Pierre David

I also wondered whether there might be any archival sources for the Mascareignes Governor Pierre David: and so was pleased to see that archive COL C4‐5 for the years 1746‐1748 contains “Correspondances générales M. David, Gouverneur”. The specific letters listed for the period I’m interested in are:

  • 1747 Affaire de M. Meygnier, chirurgien‐major, propriétaire d’un marais à sel à l’Isle de France
    • Lettre au Conseil Supérieur de l’Île de France
  • Emploi des noirs, formés à faire le sel et à cultiver la saline
  • 1748 M. de Rostaing, commandant la Frégate La Favorite
    • Lettre du 25 Mars 1748 au Conseil
  • corvées des noirs pour les fortifications de l’Île et dédommagement

There’s also an article “Pierre David et la Compagnie des Indes, de 1729 à 1752” by Pierre Margry in in Revue maritime et coloniale, tome XVIII, 71e livraison, Octobre 1866, which includes a transcription of Pierre David’s own memoirs, “Réflexions sur l’Ile-de-France” (which I am about to read).

Andre Bernardin Nageon de l’Estang claimed to have been shipwrecked (very probably in Mauritius), which surely means that he was a crew member on board a French-controlled ship. Since my last post, I’ve changed my mind about the type of source for the “richesses de l’Indus” (in Bernardin’s testament).

Specifically, I’m now wondering if this was this a prize ship (probably, though not necessarily, called the Indus) captured by a French ship in the Indian Ocean, sent back to Mauritius with a skeleton crew, but which was then shipwrecked on Mauritius by the hurricane of January 1748.

However, any prize ship captured around that time of year would have wanted (with the start of monsoon season) to depart immediately for Mauritius. Hence I suspect that this means any such capture would have to have happened in the narrow window between early December 1747 and early January 1748.

So, this post attempts to work out the historical context for this one-month window, and hopefully tries to draw up a list of French ships that were close by during December 1747. It also tries to see what historical sources might be available for pursuing this search further (in future posts).

The First Carnatic War (1740-1748)

Notwithstanding its origins in the War of Austrian Succession, the First Carnatic War largely played out as a protracted fight between Britain and France for control over the (hugely lucrative) Indian coastal trading ports of Madras, Pondicherry, and Cuddalore.

By the end of 1747, however, France was (literally) in retreat. Previously, La Bourdonnais had sailed back from Madras (where things had got too, errrm, hot for him) to France, which all ended very badly for him. In India, this left the Compagnie des Indes traders under Dupleix with no maritime support.

Georges Lacour-Gayet’s “La marine militaire de France sous le règne de Louis XVI” (1910, 2nd edition) covers much of this in his chapter 13, though the precise period we’re interested in starts on p.215.

Precis-ing at speed: La Bourdonnais’ successor was former Antarctic explorer Bouvet de Lozier (discoverer of the unbelievably remote Bouvet Island), who reached Mauritius on 12 October 1848 with the Lys and four other ships. What had happened in the intervening period is that a new British admiral (Admiral Griffin) had gained almost complete control of the Coromandel Coast. Dupleix, faced with the possibility of losing control of Madras and ending up under siege in Pondicherry, sent a message to Port-Louis (then the capital of Mauritius), asking for help. Capitaine d’Ordelin reached Port Louis with Dupleix’s message in December 1747.

The governor of Mauritius (Pierre David) was already aware of a problem: he had heard that the British Admiral Boscawen was preparing a squadron of ships heading for the Indies (Boscawen’s squadron left on 28 November 1747). In response, Pierre David had armed all the suitable ships in Port-Louis, and ordered them to rendezvous at Foule Pointe in Madagascar (between Tamatave and Sainte-Marie). Yet despite all the governor’s activity, Bouvet de Lozier only actually left Foule Pointe on 23rd May 1748 with seven vessels – the Lys, the Apollon, the Anglesey, the Mars, the Brillant, the Centaure, and the Cybèle. (Capitaine de Kersaint’s Alcide wouldn’t reach Ile de France until June 1748.)

Jean-Marie Chelin’s “Histoire Maritime de l‘Ile Maurice”

As I previously reported, when the hurricane of 21 Jan 1748 struck Mauritius, the Brillant, the Renommée, and the Mars all ended up beached in Port-Louis harbour, while three other (unnamed) boats were lost. Daniel Krieg very kindly gave me updated information on the same time period from a more recent book, Jean-Marie Chelin’s “Histoire Maritime de l’Ile Maurice” (Volume 1):

  • 16 Feb 1747: death of Pierre Boideau, a volontaire on the Phenix
  • 02 Mar 1747: announcement of the death of Jean Tardivel, pilot of the Argonaute
  • 14 Jun 1747: death of Etienne Laterre, second captain of the frigate Anglesey (720 tonnes, 48 cannons)
  • 12 Oct 1747: arrival of Jean Baptiste Charles Bouvet de Lozier on the Lys (64 cannons).
  • Dec 1747: arrival from Pondicherry of a squadron under the command of d’Ordelin, comprising the Centaure, the Brillant, the Mars and the Saint-Louis. All four were in a pitiful state, and took several months to repair.
  • 20 Dec 1747: the departure of the Apollon (Capitaine Baudran de la Metterie) and the Anglesey (Capitaine Gervais de la Mabonnays) for a cruise to the Cape of Good Hope.
  • 22 Jan 1748: Jean Francois Fortier (volontaire on the Centaure) died, aged 21
  • 3 Feb 1748: the Aimable, Capitaine de Surville, arrived from Foule Point having lost a cargo of 350 cows and “140 milliers” of rice in the hurricane at sea. He also had to throw his cannons overboard and cut down his masts to survive.
  • 11 Feb 1748: arrival of the Princesse Amelie, an English prize from Pondicherry, commanded by Capitaine Julien Louis Litoust de La Berteche.
  • 25 Feb 1748: the Lyon, Capitaine Rouille, arrived in a terrible state, having spent six months at sea: he advised that the rest of the squadron coming from France that his ship had been part of (under the Chevalier de Saint-Georges) had been lost.
  • 28 Feb 1748: the departure of the Apollon (under Capitaine de La Porte Barre) and the Anglesey for another cruise to the Cape of Good Hope.
  • 20 Mar 1748: death of Thomas Durant, first lieutenant on the Apollon.
  • 21 Apr 1748: Governor David sent a squadron to the Indies, led by Bouvert de Lozier, made up of the Lys, the Apollon, and the Anglesey (all French Navy ships), plus the Centaure, the Moras, the Brillant, the Cybele, and the Princess Amelie (all Compagnie des Indes ships)

Memoires de Hommes

You can get a lot of information about Compagnie des Indes ships from this period by searching the Compagnie des Indes section of the Memoires des Hommes website. So what has this got to say about the ships named above?

  • LYS – 1747-1749 – vessel, 850 tonnes, 64 cannons
    • Captain: Jean-Baptiste-Charles de Lozier Bouvet
    • Crew list
    • Journal de bord: 4JJ 102-98 and 4JJ 102-98 bis (in A.N.Mar)
    • 1747:
      • arrivée 12/10/1747 – île de France
      • départ 03/05/1748 – île Bourbon
    • See: Estienne 1423, 1445, 1580 ; Demerliac XV 2303 ; Roche I p. 290
  • APOLLON – 1748-1750 – vessel, 44 cannons
    • Captain: Thomas-Herbert de La Porte Barré
    • Crew list
    • Journal de bord: 4JJ 144B-4 (extract)
    • 1748:
      • armement 28/02/1748 – île de France
      • départ vers le 29/04/1748 – île de France
    • See: Estienne 1497, 1594 ; Demerliac XV 2313 ; Roche I p. 44
  • ANGLESEY / ANGLESEA – 1747-1749 – frigate, 720 tonnes, 48 cannons
    • Captain: Marc-Antoine Selle
    • Crew List
    • Journaux de bord: 4JJ 77-42, 4JJ 77-46, 4JJ 144B-4 (in A.N.Mar.)
    • 1747:
      • armement 28/02/1748 – île de France
    • See: Estienne 1496, 1576 ; Demerliac XV 2314 ; Roche I p. 42
  • MARS – 1746-1751 – vessel, 700 tonnes, 32 cannons
    • Captain: Joseph-Jean-Baptiste Gardin Du Brossay
    • Crew list
    • 1747:
      • départ vers le 30/09/1747 – Mahé, Inde
      • arrivée avant 01/02/1748 – île de France
    • See: Estienne 1367, 1523, 1639 ; Demerliac XV 1852
  • BRILLANT – 1746-1750 – vessel, 550 tonnes, 34 cannons
    • Captain: Jean-Théophile de Boisquesnay
    • Crew list
    • Journaux de bord are 4JJ 102-98 (“journal de l’escadre”), 4JJ 117-63, 4JJ 144B-4, 4JJ 144C-8
    • See: Estienne 1365, 1612 ; Demerliac XV 1855
    • Also: Estienne 1502 ; Demerliac XV 2316
    • Note: there was also a British ship “Brillant” captured close to Madras in 1746, that was subsequently recaptured back from the French in February 1747.
  • CENTAURE – 1746-1750 – vessel, 1200 tonnes, 76 cannons
    • Captain: Alain Dordelin (deceased), and then Guillaume de La Butte Frérot
    • Crew list
    • 1747:
      • départ vers le 10/04/1747 – Mahé, Inde
      • /05/1747 – Mourmougon, Inde
      • /06/1747 – Goa, Inde
      • départ vers le 28/09/1747 – Mahé, Inde
      • /12/1747 – île de France
      • armement 20/04/1748 – île de France
    • See: Estienne 1366, 1505, 1528, 1589 ; Demerliac XV 1772
  • CYBÈLE – 1747-1749 – frigate, 170 tonnes, 22 cannons
    • Captain: Thomas Rapion de La Placelière
    • Crew list
    • Journaux de bord are in 4JJ 102-99 and 4JJ 144B-4 (in A.N.Mar.)
    • 1P 302-60.6 (in S.H.D.L.) is “Cahier des expéditions des vaisseaux de 1746 à 1747”
    • See: Estienne 1426, 1566 ; Demerliac XV 2121
  • SAINT-LOUIS – 1745-1748 – 600 tonnes, 32 cannons
    • Captain: Thomas Prigent de Penlan
    • Crew list
    • Journaux de bord: 4JJ 92-22, 4JJ 144B-4 (extract)
    • Estienne 1333, 1344, 1517 ; Demerliac XV 1861
  • PHOENIX – 1745-1747 – vessel, 790 tonnes, 44 cannons
    • Captain: Jean-Jacques de La Chaise
    • Crew list
    • Condemned 15 Jan 1747
    • See: Estienne 1332, 1343, 1420 ; Demerliac XV 1838
  • ARGONAUTE – 1746-1748 – vessel, 600 tonnes, 30 cannons
    • Captain: François Le Fol de La Londe
    • Crew list
    • Journaux de bord: 4JJ 71-38 (1747), 4JJ 77-40, 4JJ 102-98, 4JJ 144B-4
    • Estienne 1363, 1395, 1530 ; Demerliac XV 1847
  • RENOMMEE – 1741-1748 – frigate, 400 tonnes, 40 cannons
    • Captain: Charles Gravé de Coligny
    • Crew list
    • Arrived at Ile de France, 12/1746 (having been disarmed on 28/03/1742?)
    • See: Estienne 1139, 1188 ; Demerliac XV 2028
  • MORAS (not known) (there was a later Moras 1756-1761)
  • AIMABLE – 1747-1750 – vessel, 550 tonnes, 30 cannons
    • Captain: René-Louis de Surville
    • Crew list
    • See: Estienne 1435, 1506, 1633 ; Demerliac XV 1854

The archives have many other incidental documents associated with these ships: one such document lists all the people from Ile de Bourbon (modern-day Reunion) boarding Bouvet de Lozier’s squadron in 1748: these were largely stone masons from Portuguese Malabar (the southwestern coast of modern India) going to Pondicherry. Also: B4 62 f°314 contains letters from Bouvet de Lozier about the state of the vessels in his squadron (in 1748), which sounds interesting.

However, the obvious first place to look for specific detail is in the journaux de bord.

Conclusions

I suspect we can disregard the Centaure, Mars, Brillant and Saint-Louis (because all were being repaired during December 1747 to January 1748). The Renommee too was in Port-Louis harbour (but disarmed and docked), so that seems unlikely too: and there’s no sign the Lys left the island at all (though its journal de l’escadre might well turn out to be an interesting read for this period.)

The most likely prize-takers would therefore seem to be the Apollon and the Anglesey, who both went on a cruise to the Cape of Good Hope in December 1747 (in exactly the time window I’m interested in). Both have journaux de bord in the archives (though the Anglesey‘s seems more substantial than the Apollon‘s).

As an aside, arguably the most historically interesting ship mentioned above is the Princesse Amelie, a British prize sent from Pondicherry. It turns out that there is an entire chapter (pp.126-184) in Louis Mannory’s “Plaidoyers Et Mémoires: Contenant Des questions intéressantes” about how the Princesse Amelie was taken “by ruse” from Madras harbour at the start of March 1747 (with a hugely valuable cargo), and all the legal to-ings and fro-ings associated with that whole incident. But that’s a story for another day!

PS: there’s a very long list of lost East India Company ships here, that mentions (as well as the Princess Amelia):

  • Anson (479 tons) – Captured off Bombay on 2 Sep 1747 by French frigates Apollo and Anglesea.
  • Heathcote (498 tons, 29 cannons) – Lost 7 June 1747, in the Strait of Bab el Mandeb.

I’ve recently had some interesting back-and-forth email correspondence about the Nageon de l’Estang treasure documents with independent Swiss researcher Daniel Krieg. In recent years, Daniel has made his own fresh attack on this long-standing historical mystery, and his particular interpretation of many key aspects of those documents has led him to draw his own conclusions.

Even though I (personally) think these conclusions are probably wrong, I thought it would be good to work through some of his argument’s component pieces, because – whether he’s right or wrong – they all cast an interesting light on the whole subject, as well as available historical sources for the period.

So today let’s look at Daniel’s (1782) “Indus”…

The “Indus”

In the first of the three “Butin” treasure documents, we read (in Loys Masson’s version, but the other variants aren’t too far off) the following part-sentence:

LM:                        j’ai naufragé dans une crique près des Vaquois et
LM: j’ai remonté une rivière et déposé  dans un caveau   les richesses de l'Indus
LM: et marqué B.N. mon nom.

Because of this text, Daniel Krieg has spent (as many other researchers have done) a lot of time looking for the specific ship called the Indus from which B.N.’s “richesses” came. Crucially, he thinks that this was in fact the British ship Indus that was captured by the French frigates Bellone and Fine on 24th July 1782.

It would seem to be a historically-grounded claim, but does the evidence actually support it? Let’s have a look…

Suffren’s journal de bord

The Bellone and Fine were French frigates in the Bailli de Suffren’s squadron: this had been sent to control the Indian coastline during the Anglo-Dutch War in India that had started in December 1780. A brief description of the Bellone returning on 26th July 1782 appeared in Suffren’s journal de bord:

Dans la matinée, la Bellone a mouillé et a rendu compte que la Fine avait pris un brick, parti de Madras il y avait près de deux mois, portant le colonel Horn à Négapatnam, destiné à commander l’armée du Sud. Le capitaine du brick appelé l’Indou ayant eu ordre de gagner Négapatnam par le large pour nous éviter, n’avait jamais pu remonter.

In the morning, the Bellone anchored and reported that the Fine had captured a brig, which had left Madras nearly two months previously to try to carry Colonel Horn to Negapatam for him to take command of the Army of the South. Even though the captain of the brig (called the Indou) had received orders to reach Negapatam by sea to avoid us [Suffren’s fleet], he had never been able to get [past the sea blockade] to its destination.

In Suffren’s journal de bord entry for the following day (27th July 1782), we then see the Fine itself turn up with the aforementioned brig:

La Fine a rallié l’escadre avec la prise l’Indou.

The Fine rejoined the squadron with the prize ship Indou.

There is no further direct mention of the Indou in the journal de bord, which is – I presume – why Daniel thinks that this could have been the Indus of the letter. However, reading the next few entries forward from there, what happens next is that Suffren’s entire squadron sails away on 1st August 1782:

Au jour, signal de désaffourcher. Nous laissons au mouillage la Fortitude, qui doit aller au Pégou, et deux prises pour être vendues. A 11 heures, toute l’escadre a mis sous voile.

At daylight, signal to weigh anchor and leave. We leave behind at anchor the Fortitude, which must go onwards to Pégou [Bago in modern Myanmar], plus two prize ships to be sold. At 11 o’clock the whole squadron was under sail.

Obviously, I’m going to point out that I don’t think a prize brig would have sailed onwards with Suffren’s mighty French squadron: and also that I don’t think it would sailed onwards to the Ile de France.

Charles Cunat’s account

On p.192 of Charles Cunat’s (1852) book on the Bailli de Suffren, we read a couple of additional details (Cunat had access to many more maritime sources than merely de Suffren’s journal de bord):

En même temps, la Fine ralliait l’escadre avec un brick anglais, chargé de riz pour Négapatnam, qui avait à bord le colonel Horn, nommé au commandement de l’armée de Tanjaour, […]

At the same time, the Fine joined the squadron with an English brig, loaded with rice for Negapatam, which had on board Colonel Horn, appointed to take command of the army of Tanjaour, […]

The most important feature to note here is that, somewhat like a Spanish pepper, the brig Indou was stuffed not with treasure but with rice.

I should also perhaps add here that the capture of the brig Indou wasn’t a significant enough naval action to warrant a mention in H. C. M. Austen’s “Sea Fights and Corsairs of the Indian Ocean”.

But… was the Indus even British?

I suppose the biggest problem I have with this is the whole presumption that the Indus was some kind of British East India Company treasure ship. The letter writer tells us right at the start:

j’ai naufragé dans une crique près des Vaquois

That is, the writer himself was saying that he “was shipwrecked in a creek near to Vacoas” – he didn’t find a shipwreck, he was himself shipwrecked.

Given that the (so-called) Golden Age of Piracy had fizzled out nearly twenty years previously, it is an uncomfortably long hop, step and jump forward from “j’ai naufragé” to conclude that the (French) letter writer can only have been a pirate who had taken control of a British treasure ship, which had then been shipwrecked on the (presumably Mauritian) coast.

From my perspective, it is therefore vastly more likely that the ship to which the letter writer refers was actually a French ship upon which the letter writer was working: more specifically, it was (given its name) probably from the Compagnie des Indes heading back from the East Indies towards Lorient.

In fact, I’d suggest that the right place to be looking for the real Indus / Indou would be in the Compagnie des Indes archives in Lorient, for ships that were expected back from the East around February 1748 (but that were instead lost in Indian Ocean during the Mauritian hurricane of January 1748).

[Update: I think I was too hasty in dismissing the idea of a prize brig. 1748 was just before the end of the 1st Carnatic War, and news of the peace didn’t reach the Indian Ocean until very late in that year. So an English ship could very easily have been captured by French warships just before the Mauritian hurricane of January 1748, a research lead I’ll explore in my next post on the subject.]

In the last few days, looking at the whole Isaac / Chad ‘alien alphabet’ mystery has made me think more broadly about cipher mysteries. What I’m trying to do is to work out what the relationship between the different pieces of evidence are – but not just in terms of “A preceded B”.

Inserts

Generally, the practical problem with cipher mysteries is that the relationship between “layers” isn’t just ‘archaeological’, i.e. they aren’t just laid down one on top of the other. Very often we find ourselves looking at annoying evidence where one layer pretends (or, more charitably, ends up appearing) to be out of order. The term I typically use for this is “insert” (but please let me know if there’s a better word or phrase!), to denote something that someone has attempted to insert into the timeline.

In the case of Isaac / Chad, I can’t help but wonder if Isaac saw the strange diagrammatic detailing on the large cropped image released by Ty B and built his entire account out backwards from there, to try to insert his own (fake) account into the pre-drone-sighting timeline?

Remember, Isaac wrote (having disclaimed any connection with the drone observation people):

More importantly though, I’m very familiar with the “language” on their undersides seen clearly in photos by Chad and Rajman, and in another form in the Big Basin photos.

Yet Isaac also wrote:

It’s no surprise that these sightings are all taking place in California, and especially the Saratoga/South Bay area. Not far from Saratoga is Mountain View/Sunnyvale, home to Moffett Field and the NASA Ames Research center.

As far as I know, Saratoga was only properly identified as the location for some of the photos a long time after Isaac wrote this, so this section does conversely suggest that there was cooperation / coordination. It’s hard to read how these things all fit together.

Missing evidence, Google problems?

The presence of the higher-resolution dragonfly drone image in the Project Avalon set suggests to me that I’m in fact dealing with scaled-down versions of larger images, but where the EXIF data has been preserved across the scaling-down. And so I’m now hungry to find even earlier (and larger, and unscaled-down) versions of all these images.

However, I have to flag that I’m a bit concerned about Google. In the past, I’d be really confident that Google Images would find a whole load of images: but now it feels as though this whole part of Google’s search engine has been gamed by Pinterest and others (Japanese blogs seem to be good at this, oddly). Basically, I’m not even getting 10% of the results I used to get, and the quality of the results I do get has dropped right down too.

I’ve had similar experiences with Google’s main text search recently, where queries that I have previously used to find things now don’t work at all. Whereas I used to save query strings in my notes to help me find groups of related things, that strategy seems to be working less and less well over time. More generally, I’m finding it harder and harder to find things online, and for the kind of research I do, that feels like it is growing into a huge problem.

People may post endlessly about the death-spiral that Elmo’s Twitter has apparently entered, but I can’t help but wonder whether Google too is now entering some kind of mysterious end-of-life phase? Perhaps you’ve noticed this too.